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A  Walloon  Family  in  America 

Lockwood  de  Forest  and  his 
Forbears 


IN  TWO  VOLUMES 

VOLUME  II 


A 


Walloon  Family 

IN  AMERICA 

Lockwood  de  Forest 

and  his  Forbears  1500  — 1848 


By  MRS.  ROBERT  W.  de  FOREST 


Together  with 
A  VOYAGE  TO  GUIANA 

BEING  THE 

Journal  of  Jesse  de  Forest 

And  his  Colonists  1 623-1 625 
VOLUME  II 


BOSTON  and  NEW  YORK  Published  by 
Houghton  Mifflin  Company  MCMXIV 


C0TYR1GHT,    1914,    BY    EMILY   JOHNSTON   PE  FOREST 


ALL   RIGHTS    RESERVED 


Published  December  rg/4 


THIS  EDITION  CONSISTS  OF  SIX   HUNDRED  COPIES 


Contents 

A  WALLOON  FAMILY  IN  AMERICA  (Cont.) 
IX.   Lockwood  de  Forest  (1775-1848)  3 

EARLY  STRUGGLES  3 

PROSPEROUS    DAYS  ^3 

THE  CHURCH   TRIAL  49 

DE   FOREST  &   SON,   SHIPPING   MERCHANTS  98 

FAMILY  TIES  I  T7 

PEACEFUL   DAYS  AT  LAST  I52 

A  VOYAGE  TO  GUIANA 

Introduction  171 

Journal 

du  voyage  faict  par  les  peres  de  families 
enuoyes  par  Mrs  les  Directeurs  de  la  Com- 
pagnee  des  Indes  occidentals  pour  visiter  la 
coste  de  Gujane  188 

Journal 

of  the  voyage  made  by  the  fathers  of 
families  sent  by  the  honorable  the 
directors  of  the  west  india  company 
to  visit  the  coast  of  guiana  i  89 

EH 


Contents 


Appendix  2°3 

GENEALOGICAL   NOTES  283 

GENEALOGICAL  CHART  3  13 

WAR    RECORDS  3T7 

DEEDS  AND  OTHER   PAPERS  349 

BIBLIOGRAPHY  365 

Index  373 


Illustrations 


Plan  of  the  City  of  New  York  Front  lining  pages 

From  an  Engraving  by  P.  R.  Maverick,  1808 

Portrait  of  Mrs.  Lockwood  de  Forest,  about  1856, 
by  George  A.  Baker  (Photogravure)  Frontispiece 

Owned  by  Stephen  H.  de  Forest 

East  View  of  Court  House,Church,  and  Gaol,Fair- 

FIELD  *4 

From    Barber's   "  Historical    Collections  of   Connecticut," 
1836 

Long  Wharf  and  the  Site  of  the  Bonticou  House, 
New  Haven  26 

From  Doolittle's  Map  of  New  Haven,  18 12 

Old  Bonticou  House,  Wooster  and  Olive  Streets, 
New  Haven  30 

A  restoration  to  show  its  probable  appearance  in  1804,  when 
Lockwood  de  Forest  first  lived  there 

New  Haven  Green  and  Centre  Church  34 

From  Doolittle's  Map  of  New  Haven,  i8iz 

Centre  Church,  New  Haven  68 

From  an  engraving  by  Fenner,  Sears  &  Co.,  in  the  Library 
of  Yale  University. 

The  "Brick  Church,"  New  York,  from  the  Cor- 
ner of  Nassau  Street  and  Park  Row,  1820  108 

From  a  water-color  drawing  by  Archibald  Robertson  in  the 
New  York  Historical  Society 

St.  Paul's  Church  and  the  Broadway  Stages,  1831    1 10 
From  Valentine's  Manual,  1861 


[  v«  ] 


Illustrations 


South  Street  from  Maiden  Lane,  1828.     Painted 
and  Engraved  by  William  I.  Bennett  112 

From  Valentine's  Manual,  1854 

Washington  Institute  and  the  New  York  Reser- 
voir 120 

From  Valentine's  Manual,   1853 

Portrait  of  Lockwood  de  Forest,  1838,  probably 
by  Samuel  Waldo  146 

Owned  by  Samuel  Downer 

Portrait  of  Mrs.  Lockwood  de  Forest,  about  i  838, 
by  Waldo  and  Jewett  148 

Owned  by  Robert  W.  de  Forest 

The  Front  Door  of  22  St.  Mark's  Place  152 

Portrait  of  Wheeler  de  Forest  about  1855  158 

Owned  by  Robert  W.  de  Forest 

Merchants'  Exchange,  Wall  Street  160 

Owned  in  1852  by  W.  Wheeler  de  Forest  and  two  others 

St.  John's  Chapel-in-the-Fields,  1821.     Engraved 
by  W.  D.  Smith  from  a  Drawing  by  A.  J.  Davis   162 

From  "The  New  York  Mirror,"   1829 

Silhouette  of  Lockwood  de  Forest,  Saratoga,  July 
24,  1843  164 

Cut  by  August  Edouart 

Lockwood  de  Forest's  Signature  167 

From  his  Family  Bible,   1838 

Colored  Map  of  the  River  Wyapoko 

Frontispiece  to  the  'Journal   170 
Reproduced  as  in  the  original  Journal 

First  Page  of  the  Journal  174 

I    viii    ] 


Illustrations 


Blaeuw's  Map  of  Guiana,  1635  222 

In  the  Lenox  Collection,  New  York  Public  Library 

Map  of  the  River  Cassipoure  242 

From  the  Journal 

Map  of  the  River  Essequibo  276 

From  the  Journal 

Map  of  the  Coast  of  Guiana  from  the  North 
Cape  to  the  River  Essequibo  End  lining  pages 

From  the  Journal 


A  Walloon  Family  in  America 

LOCKWOOD  DE  FOREST  AND 
HIS  FORBEARS 


Walloon  Family  in  America 

LOCKWOOD  DE   FOREST  AND 
HIS   FORBEARS 


IX 

LOCKWOOD    DE   FOREST 

Early  Struggles 

OF  Lockwood  de  Forest's  childhood  we  know 
very  little.  Some  of  the  incidents  of  his 
early  life  have  already  been  mentioned, 
but  for  the  sake  of  putting  them  in  proper  sequence, 
it  is  as  well  to  repeat  all  the  information  that  is 
available. 

He  was  born  on  March  5,  1775,  in  the  old  house  Moose  mil 
on  the  lower  part  of  Moose  Hill,  the  one  which  his 
grandfather,  Samuel,  had  built  about  1732  or  1733, 
when  all  that  region  was  a  wilderness.  At  the  time 
of  Lockwood's  birth,  however,  a  good  many  neigh- 
bors lived  in  the  vicinity  and  half  of  the  old  house 
belonged  to  his  father,  Nehemiah. 

Baby  Lockwood  was  only  a  year  old  when  his   New  Stratford 
father  moved  to  the  top  of  the  hill  and  became  land- 
lord of  the  village  inn.   There  the  boy's  childhood 

[  3] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


New  Stratford  was  passed  during  the  troublous  period  of  the  Revo- 
lutionary War.  Although  he  was  only  a  little  fellow 
we  can  imagine  the  boyish  enthusiasm  with  which  he 
heard  the  music  of  the  fife  and  drum  and  watched 
the  drilling  of  the  recruits  or  saw  his  older  cousins 
march  off  to  the  defense  of  their  country;  and  how 
attentively  he  listened  also  to  the  stories  told  by  the 
French  officers  the  night  they  were  quartered  in  his 
father's  inn.  He  was  six  years  old  the  evening  of 
that  dance  on  the  village  green,  when  he  and  the 
other  children  had  peeped  from  the  upper  windows 
and  wished  that  they  were  old  enough  to  participate. 
It  was  upon  this  same  night  that  his  little  brother 
De  Lauzun,  who  was  named  for  the  gay  French 
officer,  was  born.  After  the  soldiers  had  marched 
away,  Lockwood  would  go  to  the  house  of  Squire 
Lewis  and  gaze  at  the  French  rapier  which  hung 
over  the  mantel-shelf.  The  sight  of  that  rapier  al- 
ways made  the  lad  long  to  be  a  soldier  so  that  he 
could  have  a  sword  of  his  own  and  fight  the  enemy. 
As  he  grew  older,  he  had  plenty  of  occupations 
to  keep  him  busy,  foremost  among  them  being  his 
studies  at  the  village  school.  The  teaching  afforded 
him  there  as  a  child  was  all  that  he  had,  and  it  was 
probably  poor  enough;  but  he  showed  later  in  life 
an  aptitude  for  making  the  most  of  every  opportu- 
nity, and  so  we  may  be  sure  that  he  learned  all  the 
little  school  could  teach  him. 
There  were  in  those  days  fully  fifty  children 

[4] 


Early  Struggles 


who  lived  near  enough  to  New  Stratford  to  attend  New  Stratford 
this  school,  among  the  number  being  Lockwood's 
brothers  and  sisters  and  the  three  Wheeler  girls  — 
Sally-Betsey,  Mehetabel,  and  Rhoda.  Of  all  his  play- 
fellows he  always  liked  best  little  Hetty  Wheeler, 
and  Hetty  had  apparently  no  objection  to  being 
singled  out  by  him.  Thus  they  grew  up  together. 

In  1790,  when  Lockwood  was  about  fifteen  years 
old,  his  mother,  Mary  Lockwood,  died.  This  was  a 
serious  loss  for  him.  She  was  a  good  mother  and  had 
she  lived  would  probably  have  exercised  a  wisely  re- 
straining influence  over  him.  Three  years  after  her 
death,  in  the  spring  of  1793,  it  became  evident  that 
Nehemiah  was  intending  to  marry  again. 

Perhaps  the  thought  of  his  father's  marrying  sug- 
gested to  Lockwood  that  he  should  do  likewise,  per- 
haps the  idea  of  a  stepmother  was  obnoxious  to  him, 
perhaps  he  simply  found  that  he  loved  Hetty 
Wheeler;  be  the  reason  what  it  may,  he  decided  to 
marry  Hetty  if  Hetty  would  have  him.  Hetty,  who 
at  this  time  was  but  fifteen  years  old,  was  nothing 
loath;  she  probably  considered  that  she  was  having 
trials  of  her  own;  for  it  was  in  1793  that  Grand- 
mother Rhoda  went  to  live  with  Hetty's  parents  at 
Foolshatch.  So  the  two  young  lovers  condoled  with 
each  other  about  these  sore  subjects  with  the  result 
that  Lockwood  repaired  to  his  father  and  announced 
that  he  had  decided  to  marry  and  had  chosen  as  his 
bride  little  Hetty  Wheeler. 

[5] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


New  Stratford  When  asked  by  his  father  the  reason  for  this  sud- 
den resolution,  Lockwood  answered  that  he  thought 
marriage  would  "steady"  him.  Although  his  father 
and  Hetty's  parents  may  have  believed  that  he 
needed  steadying,  they  evidently  did  not  consider 
this  the  best  way  of  doing  it,  and  strenuously  op- 
posed the  marriage  on  account  of  the  extreme  youth 
of  both  parties.  The  young  people  were  determined, 
however,  and  Nehemiah,  already  recognizing,  per- 
haps, the  inflexible  character  of  his  son's  decisions, 
finally  said,  "Well,  I  suppose  if  you  have  made  up 
your  mind  to  do  it  you  will  do  it."  He  therefore  gave 
a  reluctant  consent,  and  on  July  14, 1793,  the  services 
of  our  old  friend,  Rev.  Elisha  Rexford,  having  been 
secured,  the  two  young  people  were  married. 

According  to  tradition,  Nathan  Wheeler  gave  his 
daughter  by  way  of  dowry  only  a  cow !  As  Nathan 
was  a  prosperous  farmer  and  not  in  any  way  a  poor 
man,  this  meagre  dowry  may  have  been  given  to 
mark  his  disapproval  of  the  marriage,  or  the  story 
may  have  been  exaggerated ;  but,  whatever  the  rea- 
son, it  has  always  been  believed  that  with  nothing  to 
depend  upon  save  Hetty's  industry  and  Lockwood's 
determination  to  succeed,  the  young  couple  began 
life  together  in  their  modest  home. 

This  youthful  marriage,  consented  to  with  so  many 
misgivings,  turned  out  to  be  an  exceptionally  happy 
one.  Many  years  later  it  was  still  talked  of  by 
some  of  Lockwood's  and  Hetty's  former  neighbors, 

[6] 


Early  Struggles 


and   the  following  reminiscences  of  it  were  then   New  Stratford 
written:  — 

Several  aged  people  still  living,  whose  memories 
retain  events  quite  seventy  years  past,  tell  of  the 
strong  parental  objections  to  that  juvenile  match, 
because  of  the  youthfulness  and  inexperience  of  both 
parties  and  the  apprehension  that  they  would  fail  of 
self-support.  But  love  and  ambition  dispelled  the  fears 
of  the  prudent  seniors,  and  various  pleasant  anecdotes 
show  the  ingenuity  and  energy  of  the  young  bride  — 
who  made  their  narrow  resources  meet  their  wants  and 
conquered  all  doubts  of  the  parents  on  that  score.  .  .  . 
All  testimonials  concur  in  delightful  eulogy  of  Mrs. 
Mehetabel  de  Forest.  Outside  of  sympathy  with  the 
romance  of  her  early  venture  upon  matrimonial  life, 
there  remains  a  pleasant  tradition  of  her  lovely  and 
gentle  character,  giving  promise  from  childhood  of 
those  qualities  that  endeared  her  to  family  and  friends 
in  subsequent  years. 

Mehetabel  was  indeed  a  wonderful  little  person 
—  sweet,  yet  strong,  very  resourceful,  always  able 
to  adapt  herself  to  her  environment,  whatever  it 
might  be.  Many  of  the  anecdotes  alluded  to  above 
are  without  doubt  those  which  she  herself  loved  to 
relate  to  her  descendants  in  after  years  —  tales  of 
the  days  when  she  was  young,  when  her  resources 
were  so  slender,  and  when  her  little  children  came  to 
her  in  rapid  succession.  Then,  as  she  said,  she  had 
to  be  up  early  and  late  and  would  frequently  set  the 
table  or  perform  other  household  duties  while  carry- 

[7] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


New  Stratford  ing  a  crying  or  fretful  baby  on  her  hip.  In  speaking 
of  the  makeshifts  of  poor  people,  she  always  said 
that  there  was  no  necessity  for  any  child's  wearing 
torn  or  soiled  clothing;  that  she  herself  used  to  sit  up 
after  the  family  had  gone  to  bed,  to  wash  and  mend 
so  that  her  children  might  have  clean  and  tidy 
clothes  to  put  on  in  the  morning. 

Not  long  after  her  marriage  she  and  her  husband 
looked  over  his  wardrobe  to  see  if  it  could  be  im- 
proved in  any  way.  They  found  that  his  nankeen 
trousers,  on  which  Lockwood  depended  for  Sunday 
wear,  were  hopelessly  faded.  Hetty  decided  to  try 
re -coloring  them,  and  remembering  the  way  her 
stepmother  colored  yarn  with  a  dye  made  from  but- 
ternut bark,  she  tried  the  same  concoction  on  the 
trousers.  After  they  were  dried  and  pressed,  she  was 
delighted  with  the  success  of  the  experiment,  and  she 
and  Lockwood  walked  to  church  the  following  Sun- 
day filled  with  praiseworthy  satisfaction  at  the  fine 
appearance  which  the  young  husband  presented  in 
his  rejuvenated  trousers  and  white  waistcoat. 

He  and  Hetty  with  characteristic  prudence  had 
begun  their  wedded  life  in  modest  quarters.  They 
had  rented  two  rooms  in  a  house  belonging  to  Fred- 
erick Lewis,  son  of  Squire  Lewis,  situated  not  far 
from  the  village  green,  on  the  road  leading  down  the 
hill  past  the  Monson  homestead,  which  was  later  to 
be  Nathan  Wheeler's  home.  They  were  also  ten- 
ants for  a  short  time  in  another  house  in  New  Strat- 

[8] 


Early  Struggles 


ford.  In  one  or  the  other  of  these  houses  Meheta-  New  Stratford 
bel's  first  child,  William  Wheeler,  was  born  on 
Christmas  Eve,  1794.  Shortly  after  this  event  the 
young  couple  were  domiciled  with  Lockwood's 
father  in  the  house  on  the  Green,  and  there  they  re- 
mained until  they  left  town  in  the  autumn  of  1796. 

It  must  have  been  a  lively  and  interesting  family 
thus  gathered  under  the  roof  of  the  old  inn  with  its 
historic  associations  and  its  many  rooms.  Nehe- 
miah  and  Eleanor  were  there  with  their  infant  son 
Charles,  born  in  1795,  and  six  of  Mary  Lockwood's 
children  still  unmarried,  were  also  presumably  at 
home,  when  Lockwood  brought  his  wife  and  little 
son  to  join  the  family  circle. 

Tradition  says  that  shortly  after  his  marriage 
young  de  Forest  opened  a  store l  in  New  Stratford 
facing  westward  on  the  Green,  and  that  his  affairs 
there  prospered.  He  was  of  too  active  a  disposition, 
however,  to  be  able  to  confine  his  energies  solely  to 
storekeeping  in  a  small  village;  before  long  he  was 
interesting  himself  in  local  affairs,  and  occupying 
positions  of  trust  in  the  township,  thus  following  in 
his  father's  footsteps. 

It  is  worthy  of  note,  as  marking  his  neighbors' 

1  This  store  was  on  part  of  the  farm  which  the  Rev. 
Samuel  Monson  afterward  sold  to  Nathan  Wheeler.  It 
stood  on  a  small  lot  about  three-fourths  of  an  acre  in  extent 
which  lay  across  the  street  to  the  south  of  the  rest  of  the 
farm.  Lockwood  probably  leased  this  store  until  such  time 
as  his  father-in-law  bought  it  with  the  rest  of  the  farm. 


[9] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


New  Stratford  appreciation  of  the  integrity  and  business  ability  of 
the  young  man,  then  only  nineteen  years  of  age, 
that  on  December  25,  1794,  at  the  annual  meeting 
of  the  New  Stratford  Society,  "lawfully  warned  and 
legally  holden,"  they  "voted  that  Lockwood  De 
Forest  be  Treasurer  for  year  ensuing."  To  be  asked 
to  fill  such  a  position  showed  what  an  unusual  degree 
of  confidence,  for  those  conservative  and  cautious 
days,  was  bestowed  upon  him ;  but  those  who  voted 
may  have  been  to  some  extent  influenced  by  the  fact 
that  the  young  treasurer  had  on  the  previous  day 
attained  the  dignity  of  fatherhood. 

Following  his  father's  example,  Lockwood  be- 
came a  member  of  the  Washington  Masonic  Lodge 
and  was  soon  afterward  made  its  treasurer.  He  was 
also  appointed  a  town  constable. 
Weston  Still  all  these  interests  were  not  enough  to  occupy 
him.  He  felt,  too,  the  restraining  influence  of  his 
father's  home  and  longed  for  a  home  of  his  own.  He 
also  thought  that  he  might  do  better  as  storekeeper 
in  a  newer  community.  Therefore,  in  the  autumn 
of  1796,  not  long  before  his  second  child  was  born, 
Lockwood  left  the  old  inn  and  the  quiet  village  where 
he  and  his  wife  were  born  and  made  a  venture  on  his 
own  account.  As  we  know,  his  brother  William 
joined  with  him  in  this  enterprise.  They  went,  how- 
ever, only  to  the  neighboring  township  of  Weston,1 

1  This  township  was  afterward  divided  and  the  part  where 
Lockwood  lived  is  now  called  Easton. 


[   «o  ] 


Early  Struggles 


on  the  western  border  of  New  Stratford.    For  a   Weston 
corner  lot  two  acres  in  extent,  with  a  dwelling-house, 
barn,  and  store  already  on  it,  the  two  brothers  paid 
"£450  lawful  money."    This  purchase  was  made 
August  2,  1796. 

We  cannot  help  wondering  how  Lockwood  secured 
his  half  of  the  price.  Probably  his  father  gave  him 
part  of  it;  for  in  Nehemiah's  will,  made  in  1801, 
he  says,  "My  dearly  beloved  son  Lockwood"  has 
had  "as  much  already  as  will  remain  for  my  other 
children  in  the  above  proportion."  Judging  by  the 
amount  that  the  others  received  from  their  father's 
estate,  it  is  likely  that  Lockwood  had  been  given 
about  $500.  Where  did  the  remaining  sum  come 
from?  We  cannot  tell;  he  may  have  borrowed  it. 
At  any  rate,  the  surplus  earnings  of  three  years  in  a 
village  store  could  hardly  have  reached  so  consider- 
able an  amount. 

On  February  17, 1797,  a  daughter  came  to  gladden 
the  hearts  of  the  young  people,  and  Lockwood  gave 
her  his  mother's  name,  Mary  Lockwood.  Mary  was 
born  in  her  father's  house  in  Weston  Centre,  the 
house  which  adjoined  "Centre  Store,"  and  was  on 
the  opposite  side  of  the  street  from  the  Academy; 
but  she  always  loved  in  after  years  to  say  playfully 
that  she  was  born  in  "the  Devil's  Den."  This  was 
the  local  name  for  a  wonderfully  picturesque  spot  in 
the  neighborhood,  which  was  not,  however,  a  very- 
fearsome  place,  although  some  neighbor  devising 

[  »  1 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


Weston  property  in  the  vicinity  had  ventured  to  allude  to  it 
as  "the  D l's  Den." 

Lockwood's  separation  from  his  father's  family 
and  his  settling  in  a  new  neighborhood  reveal  one  of 
his  most  marked  characteristics ;  namely,  a  constant 
desire  to  move  on  in  order  to  better  himself.  His 
ancestors  from  Jesse  downward  had  ever  been  mov- 
ing on  toward  the  same  end.  They,  however,  had 
been  pioneers,  always  pushing  farther  and  farther 
into  the  wilderness.  Lockwood,  as  it  were,  reversed 
the  process  and  retraced  their  steps.  Dating  from 
his  move  to  Weston  and  his  ownership  of  the  Centre 
Store  there,  his  thoughts  had  begun  to  turn  city- 
ward, toward  the  prospect  of  a  larger  and  more 
populous  community  as  offering  greater  opportuni- 
ties for  advancement.  Even  at  that  early  period, 
as  the  pastor  of  the  Weston  church  afterward  said, 
"The  trend  of  life  was  already  city-ward." 

It  is  not  surprising,  therefore,  that  only  a  year 
after  buying  the  property  at  Weston,  Lockwood, 
on  July  1 8,  1797,  should  have  sold  his  share  to  his 
brother  William  (for  £200) l  and  in  the  fall  of  that 
year  should  have  left  the  hill  country  for  good.  All 
this  was  in  the  line  of  progress,  but  it  was  hard  on 
nineteen-year-old  Mehetabel,  who  in  her  four  years 
of  married  life  had  had  two  children,  had  moved 
four  times,  and  was  now  to  make  her  fifth  move. 


1  This  was  the  house  and  store  which  William  in  turn 
sold  to  Nehemiah  in  1798. 


[  '2] 


Early  Struggles 


This  change  took  Lockwood  into  the  larger  world  Fairfield 
—  to  the  county  town  of  Fairfield.  Ever  since 
David  de  Forest  had  come  to  Connecticut  just  one 
hundred  years  earlier,  one  or  other  of  our  friends  — 
David,  Samuel,  Nehemiah,  or  Lockwood  —  had 
lived  in  Fairfield  County,  but  Lockwood  was  the 
first  one  ambitious  enough  to  try  his  fortune  at  the 
county  seat. 

Doubtless  the  governing  reason  for  Lockwood's 
move  was  that  he  had  received  certain  official 
appointments  which  necessitated  his  residence  in 
Fairfield.  The  first  one  was  that  of  constable,  the 
second  that  of  "Collector  of  Town  and  State  taxes 
for  the  towns  of  Fairfield  and  Weston"  (49th  As- 
sessment District  of  Connecticut),  and  the  third 
that  of  deputy  sheriff  of  the  county  of  Fairfield. 

This  last  appointment  had  come  through  the 
high  sheriff,  "Elijah  Abel  Esquire."  The  high  sher- 
iff was  himself  always  appointed  by  the  Governor 
and  Council.  He  in  turn  appointed  six  deputies 
who  were  responsible  to  him  for  many  official  acts, 
such  as  making  arrests,  serving  processes,  and  exe- 
cuting warrants.  They  had  the  "same  power  as  the 
sheriff  appointing  them,"  and  the  sheriff  was  respon- 
sible for  any  neglect  or  default  on  the  part  of  his 
deputies.  Among  other  duties  was  the  proper  keep- 
ing of  the  jail,  or  "gaol,"  as  the  word  was  more  often 
spelled  in  those  days.  One  of  the  deputies  was  there- 
fore always  put  in  charge  of  it  and  was  required  to 

[  13  ] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


Fairfield  live  in  "the  gaoler's  house,"  which,  although  under 
the  same  roof,  was  quite  independent  of  the  gaol 
except  for  a  communicating  door.  This  duty  of 
residence  fell  upon  the  shoulders  of  young  Lockwood 
de  Forest. 

Fairfield  was  a  place  of  considerable  importance 
even  in  early  days.  It  was  settled  at  about  the  same 
date  as  Stratford  (1639),  and  the  county  of  Fair- 
field,  which  included  both  towns,  was  established  in 
1666.  Fairfield  from  its  position  on  the  Sound  was 
a  port  of  entry  for  Connecticut,  and  many  vessels 
arrived  there  from  distant  places  laden  with  rare 
and  curious  things  of  all  kinds  and  with  beautiful 
stuffs  wherewith  to  bedeck  the  ladies,  and  the  gentle- 
men, too,  of  the  gay  little  town.  Nor  were  the  peo- 
ple satisfied  to  adorn  their  persons:  they  were  ambi- 
tious to  cultivate  their  minds  too;  and  from  the  time 
when  Harvard  and  Yale  opened  their  doors,  sons  of 
Fairfield  could  be  counted  among  their  students. 

The  Green  was  the  oldest  part  of  the  town  and 
the  centre  of  the  town  life.  On  it  were  located  the 
meeting-house,  the  schoolhouse,  the  ordinary  or 
inn,  and  the  gaol,  with  the  court-house  in  the  very 
middle.  Both  county  and  probate  courts  were  held 
in  this  building  and  during  more  than  two  hundred 
years  justice  was  dispensed  from  it.  Stirring  was  the 
scene  about  it  on  court  days,  especially  at  the  noon 
hour,  when  judge,  lawyers,  witnesses,  and  friends 
repaired  to  the  tavern  for  their  dinners. 


EAST  VIEW  OF  COURT  HOUSE,  CHURCH,  AND  GAOL,  FAIRFIELD 
From  Barber's  "Historical  Collections  of  Connecticut,"   1836 


Early  Struggles 


Everything  of  any  importance  took  place  on  the  Fairfield 
Green.  Here  the  train -bands  were  drilled  in  the 
early  days,  and  later  the  militia  went  through  their 
evolutions.  In  1779,  the  year  when  Fairfield  was 
completely  destroyed  by  the  British,  it  was  on  the 
Green  that  the  British  soldiers  fought  hand  to  hand 
with  the  inhabitants  before  the  town  was  finally 
captured;  and  after  the  place  had  been  burned  — 
church,  court-house,  and  gaol,  along  with  private 
houses  —  it  was  also  on  the  Green  that  the  hapless 
residents  camped  until  they  could  improvise  shelters 
on  their  home  lots.  After  the  war  the  town  was 
rebuilt,  but  never,  except  for  the  buildings  men- 
tioned above,  on  the  same  scale  as  before.  The 
many  fine  houses  had  all  been  destroyed,  with  their 
contents,  and  the  owners  could  only  afford  to  put 
up  very  simple  buildings  in  their  stead. 

Such  was  the  place  to  which  Lockwood  brought 
his  family  in  the  fall  of  1797.  He  and  his  wife  with 
little  William  Wheeler  and  Mary  probably  moved 
into  their  new  abode  soon  after  Lockwood  had  sold 
his  Weston  property  to  his  brother  in  July,  1797. 
At  any  rate,  Lockwood  was  already  established  in 
"my  dwelling  house  in  Fairfield "  (the  gaoler's 
house)  before  November  7,  1797. 

The  house  itself  was  pleasant  enough.  It  fronted 
on  Meeting  House  Green,  facing  the  court-house, 
and  was  a  long,  low  building  with  a  nice  garden  in 
the  rear,  surrounded  by  a  picket  fence.  The  garden 

[  '5] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


Fairfield  was  directly  back  of  the  site  where  the  old  Fairfield 
Academy  building  now  stands,  but  alas,  the  Acad- 
emy was  built  just  too  late  for  little  William  Wheeler 
to  attend  school  in  it. 

Very  near  the  garden  was  a  large  pond,  which, 
however,  the  children  were  hardly  old  enough  to 
enjoy.  This  was  the  pond  where  in  the  olden  times 
the  authorities  used  to  duck  the  witches.  If  they 
floated,  they  were  true-enough-witches,  but  if  they 
sank  and  perchance  were  drowned,  they  were  de- 
clared innocent.1 

But  the  place  where  the  children  liked  best  of  all 
to  play,  even  better  than  in  their  own  garden,  was 
the  lovely  green  in  front  of  their  home.  Many  years 
later  little  Mary  was  to  live  in  a  house  which  stood 
even  then  on  a  corner  just  across  the  Green  from 
her  playground.  The  picture  of  the  Green  taken 
from  Barber's  Historical  Collections  shows  on  the 
left  the  gaol  and  the  gaol-keeper's  house  as  they 
looked  when  the  children  played  on  the  grass  before 
the  door. 

We  must  now  hear  something  of  the  gaol  of  which 


1  Poor  Mercy  Disborough  and  Elizabeth  Clawson  were 
"proven"  in  this  pond  in  1692,  and  the  testimony  given 
was  that  when  they  "were  bound  hand  and  foot  and  put  in 
the  water,  they  swam  like  cork;  and  one  labored  to  press 
them  into  the  water,  and  they  buoyed  up  like  cork."  An 
old  lady  still  living  in  Fairfield  said  recently,  "Yes,  we  had 
witches  here  in  the  olden  time  and  they  were  the  smartest 
women  in  town!" 


[   '6  ] 


Early  Struggles 


the  children's  father  had  charge.  Such  an  institu-  Fairfield 
tion  was  important  even  in  those  early  days  and  the 
Fairfield  gaol  was  of  particular  importance,  as  it 
was  the  only  one  between  Fairfield  and  New  Haven 
except  farther  back  in  the  country,  at  Danbury. 
The  earliest  gaol  at  Fairfield,  a  very  rude  affair,  had 
been  burned  down  in  1768,  a  prisoner  having  set 
fire  to  it.  The  second  was  erected  in  1769,  it  having 
been  voted  at  a  town  meeting  "that  the  County  of 
Fairfield  have  liberty  to  erect  a  Prison  and  House  for 
the  Gaol  Keeper  on  the  westerly  part  of  the  Meet- 
ing House  Green  northwesterly  of  the  Pond  and 
southeasterly  of  the  County  Road  and  liberty  for 
a  garden  for  the  Gaoler,  the  westerly  extension  of 
such  garden  to  be  five  rods  distant  from  Mr.  Thad- 
deus  Burr's  Home  lot."  Ten  years  later,  during  the 
British  raid  on  Fairfield,  the  second  building  fol- 
lowed the  fate  of  the  first.  It  was,  however,  rebuilt 
in  the  same  form  and  on  the  same  foundations. 

The  house  was  used  as  a  tavern  as  well  as  a  prison; 
it  was  here  that  people  who  came  from  a  distance 
to  attend  court  were  entertained.  It  contained  a 
public  bar  where  any  one  might  obtain  liquor,  an 
objectionable  custom  which  was  not  abolished  until 
1844. 

Not  far  from  the  gaol  and  in  front  of  the  court- 
house was  the  whipping-post,  which  is  still  there 
but  used  for  a  less  cruel  purpose,  as  the  support  to 
a  bulletin  board.  Here  wife-beaters  received  their 

1 17] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


Fairfield  just  reward,  or  refractory  slaves  or  drunkards  were 
given  the  prescribed  number  of  lashes.  Nearby  were 
the  stocks.  Some  of  the  culprits  confined  in  the 
stocks  were  technically  known  as  "tavern  haunt- 
ers," and  they  were  liable  to  be  fined  $3.34  or  to  be 
obliged  to  "sit  in  the  stocks  for  the  space  of  two 
hours."  If  a  man  could  in  any  way  supply  the 
amount  of  his  fine,  we  may  be  sure  that  he  did  so; 
for  it  was  one  of  the  children's  favorite  amusements 
to  jeer  at  these  helpless  offenders. 

Of  course,  among  those  confined  in  the  gaol  were 
the  usual  malefactors ;  but  there  were  many  others 
detained  simply  for  debt,  and  the  sheriff  was  re- 
quired to  make  a  strict  separation  between  debtors 
and  felons.  Some  of  the  debtors  were  merely  Epis- 
copalians who  had  refused  to  pay  rates  for  the  sup- 
port of  the  official  Congregational  church. 

•Certain  large  trees  at  each  end  of  the  village  were 
called  "limit  trees,"  and  prisoners  who  were  con- 
fined for  debt  only  were  sometimes  allowed  to  walk 
as  far  as  these  trees  if  the  gaoler  thought  he  could 
trust  their  promises  to  go  no  farther.  In  the  same  way 
there  were  limit  trees  for  the  Tory  prisoners  during 
the  Revolutionary  War.  Most  of  these  trees  have 
long  since  fallen  into  decay,  but  a  few  still  remain. 

Some  of  the  provisions  for  the  care  of  the  pris- 
oners are  interesting.1  The  gaols  were  to  be  used 
as  "Houses  of  Correction,"  and  the  rules  for  such 
1  See  Statutes  of  Connecticut,  Revision  of  1795. 

[  18] 


Early  Struggles 


houses  were  to  govern  the  running  of  the  gaol.  Fairfield 
Those  who  so  desired  were  permitted  to  have  their 
food  sent  to  them,  as  well  as  linen,  bedding,  and 
other  necessities.  Gaolers  were  allowed  #.84  per 
week  for  the  diet  of  each  prisoner,  but  just  after 
Lockwood  left,  this  amount  was  increased  to  #1.67 
for  the  same  period.  For  each  commitment  and 
discharge  of  a  prisoner  #.34  was  received  by  the 
deputy  sheriff;  for  attending  justices'  court,  $.25, 
and  for  each  mile  travelled,  #.05. 

In  the  earlier  days  many  mortifying  punishments 
were  endured  by  prisoners,  as,  for  instance,  when 
they  were  taken  outside  the  gaol  and  exposed  to  the 
gaze  of  passers-by.  Perhaps  it  was  some  such  humil- 
iation as  this  which  induced  the  prisoner  to  set  fire 
to  the  gaol  in  1768.  We  may  hope  the  treatment 
was  more  humane  under  Lockwood's  rule  ;  it  would 
hardly  have  accorded  with  his  sense  of  justice  and 
fairness  to  his  fellow-man  to  have  inflicted  so  un- 
necessary a  punishment  even  on  a  criminal.1 

1  That  his  successors  were  lenient  is  shown  by  the  follow- 
ing amusing  anecdote,  written  by  the  grandson  of  one  of  the 
high  sheriffs:  "I  well  remember,  when  the  Jail  was  burned  in 
1852,  that  the  released  prisoners  stood  in  a  row  under  guard 
on  the  opposite  side  of  the  street  and  with  tearful  eyes 
loudly  lamented  the  destruction  of  'the  best  home  they  ever 
had!'" 

In  1853,  the  year  after  this  final  burning  of  the  gaol,  the 
county  seat  was  removed  to  Bridgeport,  and  the  partly 
rebuilt  brick  gaol  was  converted  into  St.  Paul's  Episcopal 
Church. 

Bridgeport  had  previously  made  several  strenuous  efforts 


[  19] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


Fairfield  When  Lockwood  first  came  to  Fairfield,  he  ap- 
parently did  not  feel  absolutely  sure  that  his  new 
position  as  gaoler  would  suit  him;  for  he  took  pains 
to  secure  the  possibility  of  returning  to  New  Strat- 
ford and  his  village  store  there.  On  December  8, 
1797,  shortly  after  he  had  settled  in  his  new  home, 
his  father-in-law  bought  the  Monson  property  in 
New  Stratford,  as  we  have  already  heard,  and 
Lockwood's  old  store  was  included  in  the  purchase. 
The  very  next  day  Lockwood  bought  from  Nathan 
Wheeler  for  $250  the  store  and  the  three  quarters  of 
an  acre  lot  on  which  it  stood.  Possibly  he  persuaded 
the  latter  to  manage  the  store  for  him ;  for  he  could 
hardly  have  taken  charge  of  the  Fairfield  gaol  and 
directed  affairs  in  the  New  Stratford  store  at  the 
same  time,  even  had  they  been  less  than  twenty 
miles  apart. 

We  must  remember,  too,  that  he  was  collector  of 
town  and  state  taxes  for  the  townships  of  Fairfield 
and  Weston.  His  instructions  were  simple  enough. 
He  was  given  a  list  of  taxes  and  told  to  collect  them. 
This  he  did  where  possible  by  notifying  landholders 

to  get  the  county  seat  away  from  Fairfield,  one  of  the  prin- 
cipal complaints  being  that  it  was  difficult  to  obtain  good  and 
sufficient  food  there.  On  one  of  these  occasions,  in  order  to 
meet  the  slander,  half  a  dozen  residents  of  Fairfield  were 
summoned,  every  one  of  whom  weighed  between  two  hun- 
dred and  three  hundred  pounds.  Thus  was  it  proved  that 
good  food  was  abundant  in  Fairfield,  and  Bridgeport  had  to 
relinquish  her  efforts  for  the  time  being. 

[  2°1 


Early  Struggles 


through  advertisement  to  come  and  pay  up.  Sixteen   Fairfield 
months  later,  in  those  cases  where  the  taxes  had  not 
been  paid,  he  "made  public  sale  of  said  tracts  of 
land  and  houses." 

With  all  these  varied  interests  Lockwood  must 
have  been  a  very  busy  man ;  it  is  said,  moreover,  that 
while  he  was  gaoler  and  deputy  sheriff  he  "did  the 
bulk  of  the  business  connected  with  the  Sheriff's 
office."  His  duties  thus  brought  him  in  contact  with 
judges  and  lawyers,  and  he  gained  a  large  acquaint- 
ance with  men  throughout  the  county,  his  constant 
attendance  in  the  courts  of  Connecticut  while  he 
was  deputy  sheriff  educating  him  in  the  general  prin- 
ciples of  the  law.  All  this  experience  was  of  the 
greatest  advantage  to  him  in  after  life. 

Although  public  affairs  occupied  so  much  of  Lock- 
wood's  time,  domestic  concerns  were  of  interest  also, 
especially  when  another  daughter,  Susan,  was  born 
on  June  3,  1799.  Some  people  thought  it  rather  out 
of  the  way  that  "one  of  those  De  Forest  children" 
should  have  been  born  in  the  gaol,  but  this  did  not 
trouble  Lockwood  at  all.  The  gaoler's  house  was  his 
"dwelling  house"  and  Mehetabel  undoubtedly  had 
made  it  a  real  home. 

He  was  not  gaoier  much  longer,  however,  for  one 
of  the  other  deputies  was  appointed  to  the  position 
in  1800.  It  is  possible  that  Lockwood  resigned  in 
order  to  have  more  time  for  outside  ventures. 
Strangely  enough,  a  copy  has  just  been  discovered 

[    *>    ] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


Fairfield  of  an  old  newspaper,  "The  American  Telegraphe," 
printed  in  Bridgeport  on  November  19,  1800.  From 
this  paper  we  learn  for  the  first  time  that  Lockwood 
de  Forest  and  his  partner,  Peter  L.  Gregory,  under 
the  firm  name  of  De  Forest  &  Gregory,  ran  a  veri- 
table department  store  in  Bridgeport  at  that  time. 
They  advertised  that  they  had  just  returned  from 
New  York  with  a  fresh  and  very  extensive  assort- 
ment of  goods,  including  "  Broadcloathes,  superfine 
and  coarse;  Cashmires,  Friezes,  Forrest  Cloths, 
Baizes,  Swansdowns,  Velvets,  Royal  Cord,  Callicoes 
and  Chintzes,  Dimety,  Jackonett  and  Book  Muslins, 
Sattin  do.,  Cape  do.,  Humhums,  Irish  and  Check'd 
Linnen,  Russell  and  various  coloured  striped  and 
plain  Callimancoes,  Rattinett,  Shalloon,  etc."  For 
the  adornment  of  the  ladies  there  were  "  Purple  and 
white  Shawls,  Cammels  hair  and  silk  do.  of  various 
kinds  and  colours,  silk  Gloves  and  Hosiery,  Worsted 
do.,  Satins  of  all  Kinds,  Laces  and  edgings,  strip'd 
Lutestrings,  of  the  newest  fashion/'  In  the  way  of 
eatables  they  advertised  "  Brandy  and  Rum  by  the 
bbl.  or  less  quantity,  Gin,  Cherry-Rum,  Molasses, 
Loaf,  Lump  and  brown  Sugar,  Hyson  skin,  Suchong 
and  Bohea  Teas,  etc."  They  also  had  a  complete 
assortment  of  "Cutlery,  Hardware  and  Crockery." 
What  modern  department  store  could  carry  a  more 
varied  line  of  goods ! 

With  this  magnificent  assortment  displayed  in 
Bridgeport,  Lockwood  de  Forest  had  no  longer  any 

[22] 


Prosperous  Days 


use  for  his  country  store  in  New  Stratford.  So  that   Fairfield 
same  year  he  resold  it  to  his  father-in-law,  in  order 
that  he  might  put  all  his  energies  and  all  his  cash 
into  the  new  enterprise. 

When  Lockwood  left  the  Fairfield  gaol,  he  bought 
an  acre  of  land  in  the  town  with  a  partly  finished 
house  upon  it  and,  having  completed  the  building, 
went  there  with  his  family  to  live.  Having  a  good 
chance  eight  months  later  to  sell  it  for  over  twice  the 
sum  he  had  given  for  it,  he  did  not  hesitate  to  do  this 
and  to  move  elsewhere. 

He  also  shortly  afterward  sold  several  other  pieces 
of  real  estate  in  Fairfield ;  he  may  even  have  sold  his 
interest  in  the  Bridgeport  store,  for  we  hear  nothing 
further  about  it. 

All  these  preparations  would  seem  to  indicate 
clearly  that  with  increasing  mental  power  and  busi- 
ness ability  he  had  begun  to  seek  opportunities  and 
activities  elsewhere,  and  it  is  hardly  surprising  that 
with  his  characteristic  energy  he  sought  them  in  a 
larger  community  than  Fairfield  or  even  Bridgeport; 
namely,  in  the  city  of  New  Haven. 

Prosperous  Days 

Some  time  during  the  later  part  of  1801  Lockwood   New  Haven 
gave  the  word  and  his  family  obediently  followed 
him  in  the  new  and  important  move  from  Fairfield  to 
New  Haven,  then  a  city  of  four  or  five  thousand  in- 
habitants. He  was  expecting  to  fill  some  of  the  same 

[  23  ] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


New  Haven  offices  in  New  Haven  that  he  had  already  filled  in 
Fairfield ;  his  position  as  collector  of  town  and  state 
taxes  he  continued  to  occupy  for  some  years  longer, 
for  it  was  not  necessary  for  the  collector  to  live  in  his 
assessment  district. 

Apparently  the  immediate  reason  for  his  change  of 
residence  was  that  he  had  become  gaoler  of  the  New 
Haven  gaol,  which  would  go  to  prove  that  his  reign 
in  the  similar  institution  at  Fairfield  had  been  suc- 
cessful. In  New  Haven,  during  the  year  1802-03,  he 
held  the  office  of  gaoler  and  that  of  constable  as  well. 
In  1803-04  he  was  also  one  of  the  deputy  sheriffs,  but 
in  the  latter  year  there  was  a  different  man  in  charge 
of  the  gaol. 

We  have  now  come  to  the  time  when  Lockwood  de 
Forest  began  to  assume  a  more  prominent  position 
in  the  world.  He  was  twenty-six  years  old,  with  a 
wife  and  four  children  (Eliza  was  born  in  Fairfield  on 
April  12,  1 801),  and  he  was  no  longer  satisfied  with  a 
subordinate  position.  He  longed  to  work  independ- 
ently amid  surroundings  that  offered  larger  oppor- 
tunity for  advancement.  This  wider  opportunity  was 
soon  to  appear  and  to  take  practical  form.  The  new 
venture  was  to  be  far  more  exacting  than  any  he  had 
yet  undertaken.  It  was  no  less  a  career  than  that 
of  shipping  merchant,  for  which  all  his  previous  and 
varied  experiences  had  been  preparing  him.  To  this 
end  his  first  step  was  to  enter  into  partnership  with 
John  Buckley  and   Elihu  Daggett  under  the  firm 

[  24] 


Prosperous  Days 


name  of  Buckley,  De  Forest  &  Co.,  and  to  establish   New  Haven 
himself  with  his  partners  on  Long  Wharf. 

Union  Wharf  or  Long  Wharf,  as  it  is  usually  called, 
was  3,480  feet  long  1  and  was  built  principally  of 
stone  quarried  from  East  Rock ;  in  its  structure  may 
still  be  found,  however,  material  brought  as  ballast 
from  many  distant  lands  —  rocks  from  Gibraltar 
or  Malta,  gravel  from  the  harbor  of  Dublin,  stones 
from  Bristol,  from  the  Gulf  of  Para,  from  Sicily,  and 
from  almost  every  island  in  the  West  Indies.  "New 
Haven,"  wrote  one  of  its  sons,  "owes  its  chief  mer- 
cantile importance  to  this  wharf,  as  the  creek  —  the 
only  practical  means  of  reaching  New  Haven  by 
water  —  was  too  shallow  for  shipping."2  Its  his- 
tory is  interesting.  As  early  as  1644  such  a  wharf  was 
proposed,  and  the  Court  ordered  that  every  male  in 
the  town  from  sixteen  years  old  to  sixty  should  give 
four  days'  labor  on  it  —  "those  that  cannot  worke 
to  hyre  others  to  work  in  their  stead,  and  those  that 
care  to,  work  in  their  own  persons."  This  amount  of 
labor  proving  insufficient  to  finish  the  wharf,  sub- 
scriptions were  started.  Owing  to  the  scarcity  of 
money,  the  subscribers  often  contributed  such  ar- 
ticles as  one  hundred  bushels  of  salt,  four  pairs  of 
shoes,  hogsheads  of  molasses  or  brandy,  West  India 

1  In  1863  it  was  the  longest  wharf  in  the  United  States, 
but  there  are  undoubtedly  longer  ones  now. 

2  See  able  paper  by  T.  R.  Trowbridge,  History  of  Long 
Wharf  in  New  Haven,  Papers  of  New  Haven  Historical 
Society,  vol.  1,  p.  86. 


t    25    ] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


New  Haven  goods,  loads  of  lumber  or  stone,  while  others  gave 
their  own  services  —  blacksmithing  work,  freightage 
to  New  York,  etc.  In  early  days  the  General  Assem- 
bly of  the  Colony  authorized  lotteries  in  order  to 
raise  £1000  for  this  purpose,  and  still  the  great  work 
was  not  finished.  It  seemed  like  pouring  water  into  a 
sieve.  As  late  as  1799  no  dividends  had  been  paid,  all 
the  income  for  over  one  hundred  years  having  gone 
toward  repairs,  and  the  wharf  was  not  yet  completed. 
Finished  or  not,  the  Long  Wharf  was  the  pride  and 
boast  of  the  "town  born/'  for  those  who  could  claim 
this  title  held  themselves  above  those  who  could  not, 
and  did  not  allow  these  latter  the  same  rights  on  the 
wharf.  In  fact,  a  sharp  distinction  was  drawn  be- 
tween the  "town  born"  and  "interlopers."  It  was 
the  custom  for  the  Long  Wharf  merchants  to  assem- 
ble frequently  at  the  tavern  at  the  head  of  the  wharf 
to  have  a  good  time.  There  over  a  "bowl  of  punch" 
or  "half  and  half,"  made  from  genuine  "Grenada  or 
Antigua"  of  their  own  importation,  they  would  dis- 
cuss the  state  of  the  West  India  trade,  the  condition 
of  the  country,  and  affairs  generally.  It  was  on  one 
such  occasion,  "when  nearly  all  were  assembled, 
that  the  astounding  news  was  received  of  the  treach- 
ery of  their  old  friend  and  fellow  West  India  mer- 
chant, Benedict  Arnold.  They  could  not  believe 
that  one  who  in  1775  was  with  the  foremost  to  march 
in  defense  of  his  country,  could  ever  betray  it ;  but 
when  the  evidence  was  past  controverting,  they  con- 

[  26  ] 


LONG   WHARF  AND  THE  SITE  OF  THE   BONTICOU   HOUSE,  NEW   HAVEN 

From  Doolittle's  Map  of  New  Haven,  i8ia 


Prosperous  Days 


soled  themselves  with  the  reflection  that  Arnold  was   New  Haven 
not  a  'Long  Wharf  merchant';  had  he  been  located 
on  that  venerable  wharf,  he  could  never  have  been 
a  traitor." 

Great,  too,  was  the  excitement  among  the  boys  in 
the  town  when  the  news  would  spread  that  a  vessel 
had  arrived  from  the  West  Indies !  Then  they  would 
flock  to  the  wharf,  where  oranges  and  cocoanuts  were 
freely  distributed  and  where  there  was  always  the 
possibility  of  securing  sugar  or  molasses  from  leaky 
hogsheads.  The  Yale  students,  also,  were  wont  to 
flock  there  for  the  good  bathing  opportunities  it 
afforded. 

To  be  situated  on  this  wharf  was  a  matter  of  real 
concern  to  shipping  merchants.  It  is  recorded  that 
on  August  25,  1804,  Lockwood  de  Forest's  new  firm 
purchased  from  Andrew  Hull,  Jr.,  for  #1500  "a 
certain  piece  of  land  with  two  stores  standing 
thereon  ...  on  the  West  Side  of  Union  Wharf  being 
the  First  &  Second  stores  from  the  North  end  of  the 
Long  range,  with  all  the  Land  &  Flats  thereunto  be- 
longing," and  these  "stores"  must  have  been  large 
ones ;  for  it  is  noted  that  they  contained  at  one  time 
twelve  hundred  barrels  of  flour  and,  presumably, 
other  merchandise.  When  these  two  stores  were  pur- 
chased, the  wharf  had  just  been  thoroughly  repaired 
and  put  in  first-rate  condition. 

Although  not  town-born,  Mr.  de  Forest  became 
a  very  successful  and  prosperous  Long  Wharf  mer- 

[27] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


New  Haven  chant,  and  his  name  is  still  to  be  seen  in  a  list  of  the 
most  prominent  merchants  of  New  Haven  at  that 
time.  The  business  of  the  firm  was  largely  a  commis- 
sion one  and  a  considerable  part  of  its  trade  was  with 
the  West  Indies,  as  well  as  with  South  America, 
where  Mr.  de  Forest's  cousin,  David  C.  de  Forest 
("Don  Deforest,"  as  he  was  called),  was  established 
in  Buenos  Ayres.  Among  other  things  shipped  by  the 
firm  were  "well  dried  corn,  oats,  beans,"  and  num- 
bers of  horses,  the  latter  apparently  being  sent  to 
these  southern  ports ;  the  invoice  at  one  time  calling 
for  "20  sprightly  pacing  horses"  and  at  another  for 
"  30  well  made  gay  young  horses."  Buckley,  De  For- 
est &  Co.  also  received  for  sale  hundreds  of  hogs- 
heads of  gin,  brandy,  and  rum  from  the  Windward 
Islands,  and  hundreds  of  barrels  of  best  Virginia 
flour  for  "those  private  families  who  boast  them- 
selves of  having  good  bread." 

Thus  it  will  be  seen  that  they  prospered.  In  1809 
they  seem  to  have  taken  Captain  James  Goodrich  as 
partner,  and  to  have  largely  increased  their  holdings 
on  Long  Wharf.  Captain  Goodrich  was  a  firm  friend 
of  Lockwood  de  Forest  and  stood  by  him  stead- 
fastly at  the  period  of  great  stress,  now  not  very  far 
off,  when  he  was  obliged  to  undergo  a  church  trial. 
By  181 1  John  Buckley,  who  had  already  moved  to 
New  York,  had  sold  his  share  of  the  property  to  the 
new  firm,  and  it  was  then  called  Goodrich  &  De 
Forest. 

[  28  ] 


Prosperous  Days 


What  were  Lockwood  de  Forest's  family  doing  all  New  Haven 
this  time  and  where  was  the  home  that  sheltered 
them?  On  December  21,  1802,  not  long  after  his 
arrival  in  New  Haven,  he  had  bought  the  easterly 
half  of  a  house  (including  a  back  kitchen,  barn,  out- 
houses, well,  and  pump)  on  the  south  side  of  the 
Green  and  installed  his  family  therein.  Although  the 
situation  was  one  of  the  very  pleasantest  in  town, 
even  this  house  was  but  a  temporary  abiding-place. 
Mr.  de  Forest  probably  wanted  a  little  more  space 
about  him,  and  his  partners  no  doubt  felt  the  same 
need.  Therefore  on  November  21, 1804,  Andrew  Hull, 
Jr.,  John  Buckley,  Lockwood  de  Forest,  and  Elihu 
Daggett  together  paid  #9,000  to  James  Bonticou  for 
one  acre  of  land  with  the  buildings  thereon,  in  that 
part  of  New  Haven  then  called  "New  Township." 

This  lot  was  in  1804  not  far  from  the  water-side 
and  was  bounded  on  the  north  by  the  highway 
(Chapel  Street),  on  the  east  by  the  land  of  William 
Fairchild,  on  the  south  by  Wooster  Street,  and  on  the 
west  by  Olive  Street.  On  it  stood  a  commodious 
dwelling-house,  and  this  with  the  other  buildings 
Mr.  de  Forest  and  Mr.  Buckley  divided  between 
them,  while  the  rest  of  the  property  was  owned  by 
the  four  partners  in  undivided  fourths.  The  two 
gentlemen  above-mentioned,  Mr.  Buckley  and  Mr. 
de  Forest,  gradually  became  possessed  of  the  two 
fourths  originally  belonging  to  Mr.  Hull  and  Mr. 
Daggett,  so  that  when  in  181 1  John  Buckley  (having 

[  29  ] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


New  Haven  moved  to  New  York)  sold  his  share  to  Lockwood  de 
Forest,  the  latter  was  left  in  possession  of  the  original 
acre  with  all  the  buildings  on  it. 

The  house  had  been  standing  since  Revolutionary- 
days  and  had,  moreover,  interesting  traditions  of  that 
period.  Captain  Peter  Bonticou  built  it  about  1770. 
He  was  a  prosperous  shipping  merchant  and  had 
large  dealings  with  the  West  Indies.  There  were  not 
many  stores  or  warehouses  in  New  Haven  at  that 
date  and  the  foresighted  captain  had  built  under  his 
house  a  spacious  cellar,  "as  big  as  a  ship's  hold,"  it 
was  said.  Why  this  huge  cellar?  And  on  what  was 
based  the  tradition  that  an  underground  passage 
connected  the  cellar  with  the  harbor?  Could  we, 
perchance,  suspect  our  captain  of  smuggling  a  bit  ? 
Maybe ;  for  Peter  Bonticou's  house  faced  toward  the 
water-side  and  was  easy  of  access  therefrom,  and  we 
know  that  many  another  New  Haven  cellar  housed 
goods  which  never  paid  taxes  to  His  British  Majesty. 

Above  the  cellar  the  house  was  two  stories  high, 
with  large  pleasant  rooms.  In  front  there  was  a 
porch  with  doorways  on  both  first  and  second  floors, 
and  on  each  side  of  the  porch  were  seats.  There  was 
then  a  garden  surrounded  by  a  picket  fence  in  front 
of  the  house. 

In  this  pleasant  house  Peter  Bonticou  lived  with 
his  family,  which  included  his  aged  father  Timothy.1 

1  Timothy  Bonticou,  who  was  of  Huguenot  descent,  had 
in  his  early  married  life  lived  in  Stratford. 


[  30] 


^vv-j? 


OLD  BONTICOU    HOUSE,  WOOSTER   AND  OLIVE   STREETS,    NEW    HAVEN 

A   RESTORATION    TO   SHOW  ITS   PROBABLE   APPEARANCE   IN    I  804,    WHEN   LOCK.WOOD   DE 

FOREST   FIRST    LIVED  THERE 


Prosperous  Days 


When  the  British  invaded  New  Haven,  a  mob  of  New  Haven 
drunken  soldiers  visited  this  house,  where  they 
ripped  open  mattresses  and  furniture  in  their  search 
for  valuables,  promptly  robbed  the  old  gentleman  of 
his  silver  knee  and  shoe  buckles,  and  attempted  to 
abduct  the  daughter  of  the  house.  Her  mother  with 
great  tact  entertained  the  soldiers  while  sending 
secretly  for  help.  Some  Royalist  neighbors  inter- 
vened, but  only  just  in  time;  for  they  found  old 
Timothy  with  a  rope  around  his  neck  and  the  other 
end  thrown  over  one  of  the  beams  of  the  house. 

The  house  is  still  standing,  but  pot  exactly  as  it 
was ;  for  Mr.  de  Forest,  feeling  the  need  of  more  room 
for  his  ever-increasing  family,  raised  the  roof  and 
added  another  story,  and  since  then  the  streets  have 
been  widened,  and  lawn  and  fence  have  disappeared. 
Thus  the  old  home  may  be  seen  to  this  day,  but 
in  a  rather  dilapidated  condition,  on  the  northeast 
corner  of  Wooster  and  Olive  Streets. 

Of  course  money  was  needed  for  all  these  expen- 
sive purchases ;  and  as  money  was  scarce  in  the  de 
Forest  family  when  they  first  came  to  New  Haven, 
they  bethought  themselves  of  the  old  farm  at  Fools- 
hatch,  the  one  in  which  little  Hetty  and  her  sisters 
had  been  born  and  which  was  still  owned  by  the 
three  sisters.  Hetty  thereupon  persuaded  Sally 
Nichols  to  join  her  in  selling  their  interest  in  the 
farm  to  their  stepmother,  Eunice.  Each  of  them 
received  £121;  and  Hetty's  portion,  even  if  it  was 

[  31  ] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


New  Haven  not  a  very  large  sum  of  money,  was  of  course  a  help 
to  her  husband. 

One  of  the  first  things  Lockwood  did  after  having 
established  his  family  in  his  temporal  home  was 
to  seek  a  spiritual  home.  He  and  Mehetabel  were 
descended  from  devout,  earnest,  Christian  people, 
serving  God  with  true  New  England  strictness, 
holding  closely  to  the  Calvinistic  teaching  of  that 
day,  and  they  naturally  allied  themselves  with 
the  church  that  most  nearly  conformed  to  these 
doctrines.  This  proved  to  be  the  "First  Church 
and  Society  in  New  Haven"  (Congregational),  now 
called  the  "Centre  Church.,, 

When  they  first  went  there,  the  minister,  al- 
though a  good  and  learned  man,  did  not  preach  very 
interesting  sermons  nor  was  he  inspiring  in  any  way. 
It  was  therefore  hardly  surprising  that  the  congre- 
gation in  1805  voted  that  he  "retire  from  his  pas- 
toral labors."  On  March  5,  1806,  the  Rev.  Moses 
Stuart,  a  young  man  of  "strong  impetuous  elo- 
quence," was  ordained  pastor,  and  under  his  min- 
istrations a  memorable  revival  of  religion  took 
place,  and  both  Lockwood  and  Mehetabel  came 
under  its  influence. 

They  had  never  really  "joined  the  Church"  nor 
had  any  of  their  children  been  baptized ;  but  under 
such  impelling  power  as  that  of  Mr.  Stuart  they 
could  no  longer  delay,  and  on  April  6,  1806,  they 
came  before  the  congregation  and  were  formally 

[  32] 


Prosperous  Days 


admitted  to  the  church.  Their  five  children —  New  Haven 
William  Wheeler,  Mary  Lockwood,  Susan,  Eliza, 
and  Jane  —  were  at  the  same  time  baptized.  What 
a  touching  sight  it  must  have  been !  First,  the  father 
and  mother  received  their  membership,  and  then 
the  five  little  children,  ranging  in  age  from  eleven 
years  to  one  year,  were  brought  forward  and  re- 
ceived baptism.  Verily  a  testimonial  to  the  ear- 
nestness of  Mr.  Stuart  as  well  as  to  the  doctrines  he 
preached ! 

But  this  joining  of  the  church  gave  grievous  im- 
portance to  an  act  committed  by  Mr.  de  Forest 
which  was  later  to  involve  him  in  a  long  and  cruel 
controversy.  It  was  no  more  than  that  of  playing 
cards  with  some  friends  in  New  York,  but  such  an 
act  was  considered  a  crime  by  many  of  the  godly 
people  of  that  day.  The  circumstances  will  be  fully 
related  in  the  account  of  Lockwood's  church  trial, 
but  we  may  say  now  that  Mr.  Stuart,  having  heard 
in  some  way  of  Mr.  de  Forest's  card  game,  spoke 
to  him  about  it.  The  latter  felt  at  first  that  there 
was  nothing  really  wrong  in  his  action  because  the 
friends  with  whom  he  played  engaged  frequently  in 
a  game  and  yet  were  "very  good  men."  Later,  how- 
ever, he  went  to  Mr.  Stuart  and  made  to  him  an 
"ample  acknowledgement  of  his  guilt"  and  ex- 
pressed his  contrition  therefor,  and  to  any  of  his 
friends  who  spoke  to  him  about  the  matter  he 
declared  himself  in  the  same  way  regarding  the 

[  33  ] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


New  Haven  "crime."  After  thus,  as  he  supposed,  having  per- 
formed his  whole  duty,  he  considered  the  matter 
closed  and  no  longer  troubled  himself  about  it. 

The  church  continued  to  increase  and  strengthen 
under  Mr.  Stuart's  ministry  and  Mr.  de  Forest 
greatly  enjoyed  and  appreciated  his  constant  as- 
sociation with  his  pastor.  Unfortunately  for  him, 
however,  this  state  of  affairs  was  not  to  last.  Mr. 
Stuart,  who  seems  to  have  had  more  influence  over 
him  than  any  one  else,  was  in  1810  called  to  the 
Professorship  of  Sacred  Literature  in  the  theologi- 
cal seminary  at  Andover  and  felt  it  his  duty  to 
accept. 

In  18 12  the  vacant  pulpit  was  filled  by  the  Rev. 
Nathaniel  W.  Taylor  —  a  strong  and  good  man,  but 
somewhat  lacking  in  the  tact  which  was  so  marked 
in  Mr.  Stuart.  Under  the  guidance  of  Mr.  Taylor 
many  new  members  were  added  to  the  church,  and 
it  was  during  his  pastorate,  in  18 13  and  18 14,  that 
the  new  Centre  Church,  to  this  day  one  of  the  most 
beautiful  and  dignified  structures  in  New  Haven, 
was  built  in  the  middle  of  the  Green.  It  was  in  this 
noble  building,  only  a  year  later,  that  Lockwood 
de  Forest  was  to  stand  on  trial  before  the  congre- 
gation. 

Lockwood  was  a  man  of  high  character.  He  was 
also  of  strong  and  ungovernable  will,  very  persistent, 
very  strenuous  in  the  matter  of  what  he  thought 
right,  doing  it  without  hesitation  and  without  much 

[  34] 


n    i '  i — r  ,. 

n-F  *  Thi*r«rt         <  |,l,u,r  M1"a;e  tf,;'  :,  i; 

►-  -     ■  j 


,    ,    »    »     i     »    1     1     ♦    «    »    t    *     •    »  *Hyi 

r<i 


- 


t)i.i         *■  Hurylh^ 


(    r*> *iw4 


:>.    v .         •  »  — > 


I 


§ 

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c 

i 


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1    f   f     1  -TT-'r-T"  '      ' 
-r      t?        vf       /*        /•         * 


1— A. 


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hrt 

R 


jilt* 


lilt      lit! 


■y 

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-    J-' 


,    4     «     •    «     ♦    t     '    * 
I       H        t' 


r'i 
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33 


L  J  3 


-    ., 


NEW   HAVEN   GREEN  AND  CENTRE   CHURCH 
From  Doolittle's  Map  of  New  Haven,   1812 


Prosperous  Days 


consultation  with  others  or  regard  for  their  views.  New  Uwen 
During  the  fourteen  years  of  his  residence  in  New 
Haven  he  led  a  serious  and  earnest  life,  imperious 
with  his  children,  from  whom  he  exacted  strict  obe- 
dience, bringing  them  up  in  a  harsh  and  formal 
way,  as  was  the  custom  among  the  early  New 
Englanders. 

Three  daughters  and  two  sons  were  born  during 
the  residence  here:  Jane,  April  12,  1804;  George 
Beach,  December  27,  1806;  Ann  Mehetabel,  March 
13,  1809;  Sarah,  March  27,  1811 ;  and  Alfred  Henry, 
August  20,  1813  —  nine  children  in  all  and  more 
still  to  come. 

William  Wheeler,  the  eldest  son,  was  a  boy  of 
great  promise  and  determined  character,  combining 
some  of  his  father's  worthiest  qualities  with  many 
that  made  his  mother  most  lovable.  For  the  latter 
he  had  ever  the  tenderest  regard. 

Perhaps  it  was  a  desire  to  get  away  from  the  rigid 
parental  discipline  that  made  William  Wheeler,  like 
many  another  boy,  determine  to  leave  home  and 
go  to  sea.  Perhaps  it  was  only  a  restless  longing 
to  see  the  world  of  which  he  had  heard  so  much. 
Stories  of  the  sea,  acquaintance  with  his  father's 
skippers,  and  the  sight  of  ships  setting  out  to  distant 
ports,  were  part  of  the  lad's  daily  life.  Whatever 
the  reason,  William  Wheeler  on  his  return  from  New 
York  one  day  in  September,  18 12,  being  then  seven- 
teen years  old,  announced  that  he  had  engaged  to 

[  35  ] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


New  Haven  sail  in  a  few  days  as  a  common  sailor  on  the  ship 
Triumph,  Captain  Coggeshall,  bound  on  a  sealing 
voyage  to  the  Pacific. 

His  father  deemed  it  wise  to  give  his  consent, 
but  it  was  with  many  misgivings,  as  war  with  Eng- 
land had  already  been  declared.  Heavy  indeed 
must  have  been  the  heart  of  the  gentle  mother, 
Mehetabel,  when  she  found  herself  forced,  in  the 
scant  time  allowed  her,  to  prepare  a  hasty  wardrobe 
for  the  sudden  and  what  might  be  the  perilous  voy- 
age of  her  first-born.  The  restrained  concern  of  the 
parents  is  evident  from  the  letter  which  Lockwood 
wrote  to  the  captain. 

New  Haven,  28  Sept.  1812. 
Capt.  Cogceshall. 
Sir, 

My  son  William  has  just  returned  from  New  York 
and  informed  me  he  intends  to  go  to  sea  with  you  and 
says  the  ship  is  to  sail  on  Sunday  next.  Without  en- 
quiring particulars  it  would  be  very  satisfactory  (as  the 
times  are  so  critical)  to  know  from  you  whether  the 
ship  goes  documented  so  as  to  protect  her  from  capture, 
and  whether  there  will  be  any  objection  to  his  putting 
in  some  little  articles  which  he  will  take  down  with 
him,  and  when  he  must  be  down.  Please  drop  me  a  line 
by  mail. 

Yours  Respectfully, 
Lockwood  de  Forest. 

Into  his  son's  keeping  the  father  gave  the  fol- 
lowing affectionate,  if  somewhat  stilted,  letter  of 

[36] 


Prosperous  Days 


advice  and  admonition,  addressing  it  to  William   New  Haven 
Wheeler,  "On  board  Ship  Triumph.  At  Sea." 

My  dear  child, 

The  tenderness,  affection  &  extreme  anxiety  we  feel 
for  you,  the  thought  of  your  departure  for  a  long,  ardu- 
ous &  dangerous  voyage,  makes  it  my  duty  to  address 
to  your  most  serious  consideration,  my  solemn  (per- 
haps last)  Parental  &  most  affectionate  advice.  And 
by  all  the  affection  you  bear  to  tender  Parents,  and 
affectionate  Sisters,  I  beg  you  when/<zr  away  to  read 
thisover,  and  rememberit  as  the  adviceof  a  father.  For- 
get not  also  the  many  pious  lessons  of  advice  &  counsel 
you  have  so  repeatedly  had  from  the  lips  of  a  dear  & 
tender  Mother,  &  who  will  not  fail  to  join  her  prayers 
with  mine  to  the  throne  of  Grace  for  your  preservation 
&  safe  return  to  her  arms  again. 

My  Son,  you  are  now  entering  on  the  stage  of  life,  at 
an  uncommon  &  early  age.  You  have  chosen  a  profes- 
sion for  yourself,  which  though  dangerous,  yet  opens  to 
an  industrious  &  persevering  mind,  a  Noble  risk  & 
glorious  Field,  a  field  in  which  the  brightest  talents 
may  be  richly  improved,  &  the  greatest  exertions  the 
most  nobly  rewarded.  You  are  then  from  this  moment 
to  begin  to  act  for  yourself.  And  first  of  all  others  — 
remember  your  duty  to  God  —  fail  not  at  all  proper 
times  to  pray  earnestly  to  him  for  Mercy  &  pardoning 
Grace  through  a  blessed  redeemer  —  implore  his  divine 
assistance  to  guide  you  in  all  things,  for  his  protection 
amidst  all  dangers,  and  for  his  holy  spirit  to  deliver  you 
from  all  sins  &  every  temptation.  On  no  occasion  what- 
ever, let  his  Holy  Name  be  taken  in  vain  by  you  —  but 
remember  while  yet  in  your  youth  your  Creator  &  the 

[  37] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


New  Haven  God  who  preserves  you  —  faithfully  improve  all  the 
leisure  time  you  can  get,  in  reading,  writing,  cyphering, 
or  the  study  of  navigation,  but  especially  read  your 
Bible. 

Next  to  your  duty  to  God,  follow  your  duty  to  your 
Officers  &  to  the  Ship  —  always  be  the  first  when  called 
on  duty,  &  the  last  to  shrink  from  it  —  rush  not  into 
danger  foolishly,  but  if  danger  press  be  firm  at  your 
post  —  never  for  a  moment  forget  the  object  you  have 
before  you  —  consider  what  hopes  &  expectations  your 
friends  have  formed  of  you,  be  always  employed  about 
something  useful  either  to  yourself  or  others.  Remem- 
ber that  all  your  future  prospects  in  life,  your  own 
present  and  future  happiness,  as  well  as  much  of  the 
happiness  of  your  Parents  &  friends,  &  your  own 
honor  &  character  depend  altogether  upon  your  own 
conduct  &  behavior. 

Never  let  your  honor  be  impaired  by  the  utterance 
of  a  falsehood  —  shun  as  a  pestilence  habits  of  black- 
guarding, it  is  infamous,  &  would  you  make  yourself 
agreeable  to  others  &  happy  in  yourself,  never,  I  say, 
never  allow  yourself  to  get  into  a  passion  —  regard  not 
trifling  insults,  but  treat  them  with  contempt,  rather 
suffer  wrongs  from  others  than  do  wrong  yourself  — 
endeavor  to  cultivate  friendship  with  all  on  board  — 
better  is  the  friendship  of  a  dog  than  his  ill  will  —  keep 
yourself  neat  &  clean,  your  clothes  all  in  good  order,  & 
in  their  proper  place  —  be  prudent  &  sparing  of  every- 
thing you  have,  &  preserve  &  lay  up  all  you  can  for 
time  of  need. 

Take  proper  advice  in  all  cases  of  any  importance,  in 
laying  out  money  if  any  you  have,  buying  or  selling 
anything  —  and  improve  every  opportunity  of  writing 

[  38] 


Prosperous  Days 


home  that  you  may  have  —  And  finally  my  Son,  I    New  Haven 
commend  you  to  that  God,  who  is  able  to  preserve  & 
keep  you  —  &  with  the  most  fervent  prayers  for  your 
health  &  safety,  for  a  prosperous  voyage  &  due  return, 
I  subscribe  myself  your  affectionate 

Father. 

Captain  Coggeshall,  who  was  a  distinguished 
captain  in  those  days,  became  very  fond  of  Wheeler, 
as  he  was  usually  called,  during  the  long  voyage  and 
after  their  return  spoke  warmly  of  him  to  his  par- 
ents. He  thought  that  the  young  sailor  even  then 
showed  great  strength  of  character,  and  he  told  the 
following  story  as  an  instance.  Wheeler  had  been 
quite  seasick  during  the  early  part  of  the  voyage, 
but  on  being  told  to  go  to  the  masthead  had  gone, 
and  was  overcome  while  up  there.  Captain  Cogge- 
shall called,  "Wheeler,  come  down,  you  are  not  fit 
to  be  up  there,"  to  which  Wheeler  answered,  "Am 
I  not  fit  to  do  my  duty?" 

Wheeler  lived  to  gain  an  enviable  position  in  the 
business  world  and  to  become  a  man  of  great  wealth, 
but  how  nearly  his  career  was  ended  during  this 
early  voyage  is  related  by  his  younger  brother 
Henry,  who  in  his  sixty-third  year  wrote  for  his 
children  and  grandchildren  some  delightful  reminis- 
cences, from  which  we  have  already  quoted  a  few 
passages. 

When  not  over  twelve  [his  father's  letter  proves  that 
he  was  really  seventeen]  years  of  age,  Wheeler  went  to 

[  39  ] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


New  Haven  sea  as  a  sailor  boy  on  a  sealing  voyage  to  the  Pacific 
and  continued  to  follow  the  sea  for  about  two  years.  I 
think  he  remained  in  the  same  ship  but  possibly  he 
came  home  during  the  period  and  then  made  a  second 
voyage. 

I  have  heard  him  recount  a  narrow  escape  he  had  ofF 
the  coast  of  California.  The  ship  was  lying  off  the 
shore,  and  a  part  of  the  crew  had  established  them- 
selves in  huts  or  tents  on  a  small  rocky  island  watching 
for  seals  and  sea  elephants.  He  had  plunged  into  the 
sea  for  a  bath,  and  was  floating  quietly  on  his  back 
when  his  attention  was  attracted  by  the  noise  of  a 
stone  falling  into  the  water  just  behind  him.  On 
turning  over  and  facing  the  land,  he  saw  his  comrades 
beckoning  him  back  and  immediately  swam  toward  the 
shore  and  into  the  breakers.  The  last  wave  seemed  to 
wash  him  from  between  the  jaws  of  an  immense  shark 
(Killer)  which  had  that  moment  turned  over  to  devour 
him.  As  he  touched  the  beach,  the  shark  also  grounded 
striking  against  a  rock  and  killing  himself. 

At  another  time,  when  the  ship  was  going  north- 
ward for  seals,  Captain  Coggeshall  deemed  it  wise 
to  make  a  cache  of  part  of  the  ship's  stores.  He 
therefore  selected  a  desert  island  and  landed  there 
a  large  quantity  of  provisions.  Of  course  it  was  nec- 
essary to  have  them  guarded,  and  this  duty  fell  to 
young  Wheeler,  his  only  companion  being  a  negro. 
All  went  well  for  a  while,  the  weather  was  pleasant, 
and  they  had  plenty  to  eat,  but  finally  it  grew  cold 
and  they  suffered  greatly.  They  had  been  left,  as 
they  supposed,  for  a  short  time  only  and  had  no 

[40] 


Prosperous  Days 


extra  clothing,  no  tools  or  books.  The  nights  were   New  Haven 
terribly  cold  and  they  were  both  glad  enough  to 
creep  into  a  single  barrel  that  they  might  thus  try 
to  keep  each  other  warm. 

Day  followed  day  and  they  thought  that  they  had 
been  abandoned.  Loneliness  and  the  lack  of  occu- 
pation were  very  terrible  to  bear  and  these  became 
worse  and  worse  as  time  drifted  on.  Wheeler  used 
to  tell  his  family  in  after  years  that  he  sometimes 
became  almost  light-headed  and  began  to  wonder 
whether  he  ever  had  had  a  change  of  clothes  or  trod- 
den upon  a  carpet  or  enjoyed  any  of  the  amenities 
of  life.  In  fact,  he  began  to  wonder  which  things 
were  real  and  which  imaginary.  It  was  only  after 
three  months  of  this  terrible  existence,  when  they 
had  abandoned  all  hope  of  being  rescued,  that  the 
ship  hove  in  sight. 

Three  years  after  Wheeler's  departure  —  the  lad 
having  then  returned  from  his  sealing  voyage  — 
Lockwood  de  Forest  decided  on  his  fourth  and  most 
important  change  of  residence.  With  his  wife  and 
nine  children  he  removed  in  the  fall  of  1815  to  New 
York. 

The  residence  in  New  Haven  had  been  endeared 
to  him  by  many  pleasant  associations  and  some  sad 
ones.  His  father  died,  as  we  know,  in  1801,  and 
almost  immediately  thereafter  Nehemiah's  children 
began  to  leave  the  hill  country,  several  of  them  fol- 
lowing their  brother's  example  and  making  their 

[41  ] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


New  Haven  homes  in  New  Haven.  As  the  lives  of  some  of  these 
sisters  and  brothers  were  much  interwoven  with 
Lockwood's,  we  shall  here  give  a  few  details  which 
may  be  of  interest. 

Polly  de  Forest  was  the  first  sister  to  leave  her 
old  home  and  move  to  New  Haven.  It  will  be  re- 
called that  in  1797  she  had  married  Samuel  Moss 
Monson  of  New  Stratford.  In  1803,  after  only  six 
years  of  married  life,  Polly  was  left  a  widow,  and 
shortly  afterward  she  came  to  New  Haven. 

Abby  de  Forest,  who  had  also  been  married  from 
her  father's  house,  probably  in  1797,  was  very  happy 
in  her  choice.  Her  husband,  Legrand  M.  Lewis, 
lived  only  a  short  time,  however;  in  1808  she  also 
became  a  widow.  Immediately  after  her  husband's 
death  she  too  moved  to  New  Haven,  where  she 
bought  a  small  plot  of  her  brother's  land  at  Wooster 
and  Olive  Streets  and  presumably  built  a  little 
house. 

Betsey  de  Forest  never  married.  After  her  fa- 
ther's death  she  went  with  her  stepmother  to  live 
in  Bridgeport,  but  after  her  sisters  Abby  and  Polly 
moved  to  New  Haven  she  joined  them  there.  Abby 
Lewis  had  been  left  better  off  than  either  of  her 
sisters  and  it  is  not  unlikely  that  she  shared  her 
house  with  them. 

All  the  sisters  came  under  the  spell  of  Mr.  Stu- 
art's eloquence;  Polly  joined  his  church  in  1807; 
Abby  and  Betsey,  in  1809.    Abby  was  especially 

[4*] 


Prosperous  Days 


earnest  in  all  her  religious  duties,  and  in  1814,  when  New  Haven 
the  revival  spirit  was  abroad  in  the  land,  she  and 
some  of  her  friends,  "having  heard  of  the  extraor- 
dinary out-pouring  of  God's  spirit  in  the  neighbor- 
ing towns,"  organized  a  small  society  of  women, 
twelve  in  all,  to  meet  weekly  and  "offer  up  united 
prayers  for  the  prosperity  of  Zion  here  and  else- 
where." One  of  their  rules  gave  them  latitude  in 
criticizing  and  reproving  each  other.  Such  admoni- 
tions were  allowed  and  indeed  encouraged  by  the 
rules  of  the  Congregational  church  of  the  period. 

Abby  returned  to  her  old  home  in  New  Stratford 
in  1818,  her  brother  Lockwood  having  left  New 
Haven,  and  Betsey  made  her  home  with  him  after 
he  moved  to  New  York. 

De  Lauzun  de  Forest  also  came  to  live  in  New 
Haven,  probably  preceding  his  sisters  there.  On 
April  24,  1808,  he  too  joined  Centre  Church  and  in 
the  same  church  was  married,  a  month  later,  to 
Lydia,  daughter  of  Captain  William  Brintnall  of 
New  Haven.  This  marriage,  like  those  of  Abby  and 
Polly,  was  not  of  long  duration,  for  De  Lauzun  died 
in  New  Haven  on  November  27, 1815,  at  about  the 
time  of  his  brother's  departure  for  New  York. 

It  must  have  been  hard  for  Mehetabel  to  go  so 
far  away  from  her  early  home.  Up  to  this  time  she 
had  been  in  the  habit  of  going  back  to  pay  her  father 
a  visit  each  summer,  taking  some  of  the  children 

[43] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


Nm  Haven  with  her.  We  may  imagine  the  fun  the  youngsters 
had  on  their  grandfather's  farm,  hunting  squirrels 
in  summer  and  gathering  chestnuts  and  walnuts  in 

the  fall. 

Sometimes  Mehetabel's  husband  went  with  her 
on  these  pilgrimages,  as  they  might  be  called.  Dur- 
ing one  of  them  (but  this  was  after  the  family  had 
gone  to  New  York  to  live  —  in  fact,  in  1826)  they 
travelled  to  Newtown,  the  home  of  "Sister  Sally 
Betsey."  While  there  the  de  Forests  called  upon 
"Grandmother  Rhoda  Sherman,"  the  one  who  had 
buried  four  husbands.  She  was  much  complimented 
by  their  attention  and  told  them  that  she  was  then 
almost  eighty-nine  years  old.1 

From  Newtown  the  travellers  went  to  Barn  Hill 
to  see  Mrs.  Milton  Hawley,  "Aunt  Hepsy,"  the  aged 
sister  of  Lockwood's  father.  She  told  them  all  the 
old  family  traditions  and  those  of  Barn  Hill  as  well. 
She  also  boasted  that  she  had  received  a  visit  from 
her  great-great-granddaughter  a  few  days  before. 
Aunt  Hepsy  was  now  ninety-two  years  of  age ;  but 
if  we  doubt  the  accuracy  of  her  account,  we  must 
turn  back  to  the  chapter  about  her  father,  Samuel, 
and  see  what  is  said  there  about  her  wonderful 
memory. 

It  was  possibly  on  this  journey  when  Mr.  and  Mrs. 
de  Forest  were  travelling  in  a  stage-coach  that  an 
old  man  with  snow-white  hair  alighted.   A  fellow- 

1  Grandmother  Sherman  died  only  two  months  later. 

[44] 


Prosperous  Days 


passenger  remarked,  "A  hoary  head  is  a  crown  of  New  Haven 
glory,"  Mrs.  de  Forest  instantly  adding,  "If  it  be 
found  in  the  way  of  righteousness"! 

Her  son  Wheeler  would  never  be  left  out  of  these 
visits,  and  continued  to  spend  part  of  each  sum- 
mer at  the  farm  even  after  his  grandfather's  death 
in  1 87 1,  when  it  was  his  Aunt  Betsey  Wheeler  whom 
he  visited  in  the  old  home.  He  was  always  fond  of 
horses  and  would  ride  those  belonging  to  his  grand- 
father about  the  country. 

On  one  occasion  he  went  from  place  to  place  all 
over  the  state  visiting  relatives.  He  travelled  part 
of  the  time  on  Uncle  David's :  old  yellow  horse  with 
a  great  travelling  valise  before  him,  and  afterward 
in  a  wagon  at  the  rate  of  twenty-five  cents  a  mile. 
Thus  he  and  a  friend  arrived  at  Nathan  Wheeler's 
house,  where  they  were,  as  always,  hospitably  wel- 
comed and  where,  as  Wheeler  said,  "  Grandfather 
made  us  both  boozy."  If  we  remember  Nathan 
Wheeler's  barrels  of  apple  brandy  in  the  cellar  and 
the  toddy  glass  which  held  a  quart,  we  can  hardly 
be  surprised  at  this  result. 

When  Wheeler  left  the  old  homestead  to  return 
to  the  city,  he  went  down  over  the  old  Moose  Hill 
road  "on  Grandfather's  mare  with  Jim  Judson's 
boy  behind"  him,  but  he  does  not  say  what  then 
became  of  the  big  valise.  It  was  on  this  journey  that 
he  philosophically  and  from  the  depths  of  his  great 

1  David  Nichols,  who  married  Mehetabel's  sister  Sally. 

[45  ] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


New  Haven  experience  gave  the  following  advice  to  a  friend: 
"It  is  useless  to  fret  one's  gizzard  out,  we  shall  all 
live  till  we  die  and  the  better  way  is  to  take  things 
as  they  come." 
New  York  But  we  have  wandered  too  far  from  the  subject 
of  Lockwood  de  Forest's  momentous  move  to  New 
York.  This  was  justified  in  worldly  prosperity;  but 
the  first  years  in  the  city  were  clouded  by  an  occur- 
rence that  touched  him  very  deeply,  because  it  in- 
volved a  question  of  personal  honor  and  religious 
standing,  and  for  many  subsequent  years  occasioned 
a  bitter  struggle  with  his  former  pastor  and  brethren 
in  New  Haven.  The  peaceful  current  of  family  and 
personal  life  was  now  to  be  broken,  and  he  was  never 
again  to  enjoy  complete  freedom  from  controversy 
and  disquiet.  I  refer  to  the  church  trial  of  which 
mention  has  already  been  made  and  for  a  proper 
understanding  of  which  we  must  go  into  fuller  partic- 
ulars of  Lockwood  de  Forest's  characteristics  than 
we  have  yet. 

We  have  already  had  evidence  that  with  all  his 
fine  qualities  he  was  an  imperious  and  unyielding 
man,  sure  of  his  own  decisions  and  often  unable  to 
see  the  other  side  of  a  question.  After  he  joined 
Centre  Church,  he  went  into  church  matters  in  the 
same  whole-hearted  but  dogmatic  way.  For  all  that, 
he  was  amenable  to  reason,  if  treated  tactfully,  as 
we  must  realize  when  we  read  of  Mr.  Stuart's  per- 
suading him  that  it  was  a  "  crime  "  for  him  to  play 

[46] 


Prosperous  Days 


cards.  Many  a  time  a  spirit  of  tolerance  and  con-  New  York 
ciliation  on  both  sides  would  have  smoothed  things 
over,  but  it  was  an  age  when  people  thought  that 
right  was  right  and  wrong  was  wrong,  and  that 
there  was  no  intermediate  ground.  Therefore,  when 
two  good  men  differed  as  to  what  they  considered 
right  or  wrong,  neither  wished  to  yield,  because  each 
conscientiously  felt  that  his  interpretation  was  just. 
When,  however,  religious  differences  could  not  be  set- 
tled between  man  and  man,  they  had  to  be  brought 
before  the  congregation.  The  churches  of  Connec- 
ticut were  principally  of  the  Congregational  order; 
the  congregation  was  supreme,  and  all  important 
decisions  were  made  by  that  body.  Unfortunately 
the  majority  sometimes  tyrannized  over  the  minor- 
ity and  even  over  individual  members. 

As  early  as  1708  a  Synod  or  General  Council  of 
the  churches  of  Connecticut  had  been  held  in  Say- 
brook  and  there  were  formulated  the  "Saybrook 
Articles  of  Discipline  "  (that  is,  ecclesiastical  disci- 
pline), more  commonly  called  the  "Saybrook  Plat- 
form." Some  of  the  provisions  of  this  Platform  read 
as  follows:  "Admonition  is  in  case  of  private  offences 
to  be  performed  according  to  Matt.  18:  15,  16,  17, 
and  in  case  of  public  offences  openly  before  the 
Church  as  the  honor  of  the  Gospel  and  the  nature 
of  the  scandal  shall  require ;  and  if  either  of  the  ad- 
monitions take  place  for  the  recovery  of  the  fallen 
person,  all  further  proceedings  in  the  way  of  censure 

[47] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


New  York  are  thereon  to  cease  and  satisfaction  to  be  declared 
accordingly. 

"When  all  due  means  are  used  according  to  the 
order  of  the  Gospel,  for  restoring  an  offending  and 
scandalous  member  and  he  notwithstanding  re- 
mains impenitent,  the  censure  of  Ex-communication 
is  to  be  proceeded  unto/' 

Even  Abby  Lewis's  "Praying  Society"  in  New 
Haven  had  the  following  rule:  "That  each  of  us  will 
make  it  an  incumbent  duty,  to  watch  over  one  an- 
other in  love  and  reprove  and  admonish  each  other 
when  we  shall  say  or  do  any  thing  inconsistent  with 
our  profession,  and  the  member  transgressing  shall 
not  be  offended  to  be  thus  dealt  with." 

It  was  therefore  the  privilege  or  rather  the  duty  of 
any  of  the  brethren  to  offer  reproof  where  he  felt 
it  was  deserved,  and  the  culprit  was  expected  to  re- 
ceive the  reproof  with  both  humility  and  gratitude. 
It  was  also  directed  that  "further  proceedings  in 
the  way  of  censure"  should  cease  after  the  "fallen 
person"  had  been  so  dealt  with,  but  this  provision 
was  hardly  carried  out  in  the  case  of  Lockwood  de 
Forest. 

The  effects  of  the  trial  or  prosecution  upon  Mr. 
de  Forest's  subsequent  life  were  of  the  most  un- 
fortunate character.  He  considered  that  he  had  not 
been  fairly  treated,  and  it  seems  quite  clear  that  his 
whole  nature  became  changed  and  in  certain  ways 
embittered  and  hardened  by  its  results.    He  had 

[48] 


The  Church  Trial 


been  strenuous  before  and  positive;  now  he  could   New  York 
hardly  brook  contradiction  of  any  kind. 

For  many  years  his  family  dreaded  any  allusion 
to  the  prosecution,  and  both  family  and  church 
would  have  been  unwilling  to  have  any  account  of 
it  written.  But  all  that  is  now  a  thing  of  the  past. 
The  trial  took  place  a  hundred  years  ago  and  is  now 
a  matter  of  old  and  most  interesting  church  history. 
Those  who  had  a  part  in  it  are  all  dead,  there  is 
nothing  personal  in  the  account  as  given  now, 
and  no  one  can  be  hurt  by  the  mention  of  these 
old  difficulties,  which  were  so  bitter  at  the  time 
when  they  occurred. 

The  Church  Trial 

Lockwood  de  Forest's  first  residence  in  New  York 
was  not  in  the  city  itself  but  in  one  of  its  suburbs, 
called  "Greenwich  Village."  In  Greenwich  Village 
there  was  at  that  time  a  Dutch  Reformed  Church, 
under  the  pastoral  care  of  the  Rev.  Steven  M. 
Rowan ;  and  as  the  doctrines  of  the  Congregational 
and  Dutch  Reformed  churches  differ  only  in  some 
details  of  church  government,  Mr.  de  Forest  de- 
cided to  put  himself  and  his  family  under  Mr. 
Rowan's  guidance  and  informed  the  latter  that  he, 
Lockwood  de  Forest,  and  his  wife  Mehetabel  in- 
tended to  join  the  Greenwich  Village  Church  before 
the  next  communion  season.  Mr.  de  Forest  there- 
fore wrote  to  his  former  pastor,  the  Rev.  Nathaniel 

[49] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


New  York  W.  Taylor,  asking  for  letters  of  dismissal  and  rec- 
ommendation for  himself  and  his  wife. 

We  must  now  go  back  a  little  in  our  narrative. 
Captain  William  Brintnall,  a  member  of  the  New 
Haven  church,  was  connected  by  marriage  with 
Lockwood  de  Forest  through  the  union  of  his 
daughter,  Lydia,  with  Lockwood's  younger  brother, 
De  Lauzun,  who  had  recently  died  in  New  Haven 
(November  27,  1815),  leaving  a  widow  and  two 
children.  About  the  time  Lockwood's  request  was 
made,  Captain  Brintnall  sent  a  message  to  Mr. 
Taylor,  saying  that  he  supposed  that  Mr.  de  Forest 
would  soon  be  asking  for  letters  to  his  new  church, 
but  that  there  were  old  affairs  of  his  which  had  never 
been  settled  and  that  he  should  object  to  Mr.  de 
Forest's  having  a  "recommendation"  to  another 
church. 

The  pastor  informed  Mr.  de  Forest  of  this  mes- 
sage, adding,  however,  that  the  latter  was  not  bound 
to  go  to  Brother  Brintnall,  who,  if  he  had  com- 
plaints to  make,  should  rather  go  to  Brother  de 
Forest  and  talk  them  over.  Thereupon  Mr.  de 
Forest  begged  Mr.  Taylor  to  ask  Captain  Brintnall 
to  let  him  (de  Forest)  know  what  he  had  against 
him,  in  order  that  he  (de  Forest)  might  give  him 
satisfaction.  This  was  in  December,  18 15. 

Captain  Brintnall,  however,  did  not  let  him 
know,  and  Lockwood  de  Forest,  becoming  rather 
bitter  against  him,  wrote  from  New  York  accusing 

[  So] 


The  Church  Trial 


him  of  "unjustifiable  conduct"  and  speaking  of  the  New  York 
injury  that  his  family  and  he  might  sustain  through 
Captain  Brintnall's  causing  them  to  be  "victims 
of  censure  and  ignominy  without  making  his  com- 
plaints known  to  me,  asking  Satisfaction  from  me, 
or  giving  me  an  opportunity  to  vindicate  myself." 
He  also  expressed  regret  at  "a  Controversy  in- 
volving a  train  of  unhappy  Family  affairs,  which 
always  degrades  one  or  both  parties  and  in  which 
(if  profest  in)  the  Cause  of  Christ  is  sure  to  suffer 
reproach."  Whether  the  words  "involving  a  train 
of  unhappy  Family  affairs"  were  an  allusion  to 
something  that  had  already  taken  place  between 
the  two  families  or  only  to  the  effect  such  a  contro- 
versy would  be  likely  to  have  in  the  future,  it  is 
impossible  to  say. 

Captain  Brintnall  still  refused  to  state  his  accu- 
sations definitely,  but  told  Mr.  Taylor  he  should 
decline  to  vote  for  the  certificate  of  recommenda- 
tion. Mr.  de  Forest,  who  had  already  notified  his 
new  pastor  in  New  York  that  he  and  his  wife  would 
join  the  church  before  the  next  Communion  Sab- 
bath, was  thus  in  an  extremely  uncomfortable  posi- 
tion and  unable  to  "remove  the  Stigma." 

Mr.  Taylor  now  strenuously  urged  Mr.  de  Forest 
to  come  to  New  Haven  and  adjust  the  matter  by 
personal  interview,  adding, "  Brother  D.  S.  Gladding 
also  has  some  complaints  against  you  which  he 
designs  to  make  to  the  Standing  Committee."  To 

[51  ] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


New  York  this  Lockwood  answered  (on  January  26th)  that  such 
was  his  "desire  to  Seperate  from  the  Church  and 
Bretheren,  so  long  endeared  to  me  by  the  tenderest 
ties;  in  harmony  and  peace"  that  he  would  forth- 
with go  to  New  Haven.  This  he  shortly  afterward 
did. 
New  Haven  On  his  arrival  on  January  30th,  he  went  immedi- 
ately to  Mr.  Gladding,  with  whom  he  apparently 
discussed  one  of  the  complaints  the  latter  had 
against  him;  namely,  the  matter  of  "criminally 
playing  cards  in  New  York."  He  acknowledged  his 
fault  and  asked  Gladding's  forgiveness.  Although 
the  latter  did  not  assert  that  the  act  had  been 
repeated  during  the  past  eight  years,  he  either  re- 
quired something  further  than  a  private  confession 
or  found  amicable  adjustment  of  the  other  com- 
plaints impossible;  for  he  thereupon  prepared  his 
"1st  Set  of  Charges  agt.  L.  De  Forest,"  evidently 
showing  his  caller  what  they  contained. 

1st.  A  criminal  violation  of  the  4th  Commandment 
in  loading  a  vessel  on  the  Sabbath. 

2nd.  A  criminal  violation  of  the  Sabbath  in  writing 
letters  of  business  on  that  day. 

3rd.  Presenting  a  false  Manifest  of  a  Vesel's  Cargo 
at  the  custom  house  &  allso  in  virtually  denying  the 
obbligation  of  custom  house  oaths. 

4th.  Criminally  playing  at  cards  in  New  York.  / 

A  day  or  so  later  Lockwood  wrote  Mr.  Gladding 
a  letter  answering  these  charges. 

1 52  ] 


The  Church  Trial 


New  Haven,  Feb.  2d,  18 16         New  Haven 
Sir: 

In  answer  to  the  criminal  Charges  which  you  have 
prefered  against  me  as  a  Brother  in  the  Church  —  I 
answer  to  the  first,  that  in  1813  I  assisted  in  loading  a 
Ship  on  Satterday  night,  for  which  I  supposed  I  had 
justifyable  grounds,  which  I  have  stated  to  you  al- 
ready &  can  only  say  I  am  sorry  they  are  not  Satis- 
factory to  you.  The  2d  &  3d  Charges  I  deny. 

The  4th  charge  I  confessed,  &  deeply  Sorrowed  for, 
eight  years  ago  to  My  then  Pastor,  &  to  all  the  Breth- 
eren  who  knew  the  fact,  &  was  kind  enough  to  call  upon 
me,  and  when  now  brought  up  anew  by  you,  I  again  to 
you  alone  &  in  the  presence  of  our  Rev.  Pastor  stated 
the  above  facts  &  beged  you  to  forgive  it,  &  altho  you 
do  not  pretend  it  has  ever  been  repeated  by  me,  yet 
with  grief  I  find  you  will  not  forgive  the  offence. 

Yours  in  Christ, 

L.  De  Forest. 

This  was  certainly  a  good  and  reasonable  letter, 
but  Lockwood,  sure  that  it  would  avail  nothing,  and 
goaded  into  a  retaliatory  form  of  self-defense,  him- 
self set  about  preparing  a  set  of  charges  against 
Gladding  and  sent  them  to  the  Committee.  They 
were  as  follows :  — 

1st.  That  when  you,  two  years  ago,  charged  the 
offences  upon  me  (which  you  now  renew)  &  heard  my 
explanation  of  them,  that  you  did  not  then  let  me  know 
you  was  not  Satisfied,  &  give  me  Oportunity  to  Satisfy 
you,  or  if  I  would  not  do  that,  that  you  did  not  then 
take  other  Bretheren  with  you  &  Call  upon  me,  in  pur- 
suance of  the  Gospel  Rule. 

[53] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


New  Haven  2nd.  That  you  have  not  only  (til  a  recent  period) 
neglected  this  Christian  duty  toward  me  as  a  Brother, 
but  that  you  have  recently  (when  Myself  &  Family 
were  removed  without  the  limits  of  this  Church  &  1 
with  My  Wife,  were,  in  pursuance  of  our  duty  as 
christians  &  in  obedience  to  a  bye  law  of  the  Church 
preparing  to  disolve  our  Connection  with  this,  &  to  put 
ourselves  under  the  Watch  &  Care  of  another  church) 
instead  of  calling  on  me,  &  in  my  absence,  been  to  sev- 
eral of  our  Bretheren,  &  published  these  Offences  to 
them  (&  to  how  many  others  I  know  not)  to  the  irrep- 
arable injury  of  My  Christian  Character  &  that  too 
(as  I  have  reason  to  believe)  without  stating  to  them 
the  reasons  I  at  the  time  offered  you  as  my  justifica- 
tion. 

3rd.  That  in  making  your  Charges  of  Criminal 
Offences  against  me  yesterday  —  You  Manifest,  not 
the  forgiving  Charitable  temper  of  the  Gospel,  in  that 
you  now  persist  in  charging  Me  with  Criminally  Play- 
ing at  Cards  in  N.  York  altho  since  my  arival  here, 
Tuesday,  I  have  to  you  alone,  stated  all  that  then  took 
place,  between  the  Pastor  &  other  Bretheren  who 
called  on  me  myself,  and  to  you  alone  &  also  in  the 
presence  of  our  Rev.  Pastor,  acknowledged  that  fault 
&  with  humility  &  sincerity  beged  your  forgiveness  of 
it  —  altho  you  do  not  pretend  that  for  eight  years  past 
it  has  ever  been  repeated  in  me.  This  unforgiving  tem- 
per I  conceive  to  be  at  variance  with  the  whole  tenor  of 
the  Gospel  &  in  direct  violation  of  the  rule,  given  us  by 
our  Blessed  Saviour  Himself. 

The  same  day  Mr.  de  Forest  also  had  a  meeting 
at  Captain  Goodrich's  house  with  Mr.  Bishop  and 

[  54] 


The  Church  Trial 


Mr.  Marshall  (the  Collector  and  Deputy  Collector  New  Haven 
of  the  Port  of  New  Haven)  and  Captain  Truman, 
regarding  their  recollections  in  the  matter  of  the 
"false  manifest";  and  it  became  evident  that  the 
testimony  which  the  two  former  gentlemen  were 
prepared  to  offer  would  entirely  disprove  the  state- 
ments in  support  of  Mr.  Gladding's  charge,  to  be 
made  by  Captain  Truman. 

Whether  Gladding  was  informed  of  this  confer- 
ence is  not  known;  if  so,  he  either  did  not  consider 
the  testimony  of  Mr.  Bishop  and  Mr.  Marshall  im- 
portant or  else  he  was  from  the  first  determined  that 
official  action  should  be  taken;  for  he  insisted  that 
the  whole  set  of  charges  should  be  officially  pre- 
sented, and  that  same  evening  de  Forest  appeared, 
with  whatever  documents  he  could  collect,  before 
the  "Standing  Committee"  of  five  church  members. 
He  also  presented  his  own  set  of  charges  against 
Gladding. 

After  taking  nearly  a  week  to  come  to  a  decision, 
the  Committee  brought  in  its  reports.  With  regard 
to  de  Forest's  charges,  they  said  that  on  the  first 
two — namely,  that  Gladding  had  not  two  years  ago 
charged  the  offences  upon  de  Forest  and  that  he  had 
published  the  offences  without  giving  de  Forest's 
explanations  —  Gladding  acknowledged  guilt;  with 
regard  to  the  third  charge  —  that  Gladding  had  been 
unforgiving  about  the  matters  —  they  saw  nothing 
worthy  of  censure. 

[55] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


New  Haven  As  to  the  accusations  against  de  Forest,  the  Com- 
mittee read  to  him  on  February  8th  the  following 
report,  but  did  not  give  him  a  copy  of  it.  We  give 
this  document  in  full,  largely  because  of  its  historic 
value  as  presenting  a  picture,  but  also  because  it 
prepares  the  reader's  mind  for  the  discussion  of  so 
long  and  dry  a  question. 

Copy  of  Report  of  Committee  {on  my  trial) 

The  Crimes  Charged  against  Mr.  Deforest  are,  pre- 
senting a  false  manifest  of  a  Cargo  at  the  Custom 
house;  virtually  denying  the  obligation  of  Custom 
house  oaths,  breach  of  the  Sabbath,  and  playing  at 
cards  in  New  York. 

In  support  of  the  first  charge  Capt.  Truman  is  the 
only  Witness.  He  testifies,  that  the  manifest,  which  he 
says  Mr.  Deforest  made  out  undervalued  the  cargo,  in 
all  other  respects  it  was  correct.  We  do  not  see  any 
criminality  in  this  transaction  if  all  took  place  just  as 
Capt.  Truman  states  it.  Two  men,  both  judicious  and 
both  honest  might  and  not  improbably  would  differ 
in  their  estimate  of  the  value  of  a  cargo.  A  valuation 
might  indeed  be  so  far  from  just,  as  to  make  it  apparent 
that  there  was  either  gross  negligence  or  actual  dishon- 
esty. We  are  not  informed  how  great  the  difference  was 
in  this  case,  between  Capt.  Truman  and  Mr.  Deforest, 
and  we  cannot  presume  that  it  was  so  great  as  to  shew 
that  Mr.  Deforest  acted  dishonestly.  Nor  can  we  find 
any  motive  to  dishonesty;  nothing  could  be  gained 
or  lost  by  any  body  by  undervalueing  this  cargo.  It 
would  be  no  object  to  reduce  the  bond,  which  was  to  be 
given,  to  a  smaller  sum,  unless  there  was  an  intention 

■  L  56  ] 


The  Church  Trial 


to  carry  the  cargo  to  a  Brittish  port,  by  which  the  New  Haven 
panalty  would  be  forfeited.  Capt.  Truman  who  was 
the  Master  of  the  Vessel,  testifies,  that  there  was  no 
such  intention,  and  of  course  it  must  have  been  mat- 
ter of  entire  indifference  to  Mr.  Deforest  whether  the 
bond  were  in  a  greater  or  less  sum.  We  can  therefore 
find  no  cause  to  suspect  Mr.  Deforest  of  any  fraud- 
ulent or  dishonest  intention  in  the  matter  of  the  mani- 
fest. 

The  charge  of  denying  the  obligation  of  Custom 
house  oaths  is  of  a  most  serious  character;  such  oaths 
have  the  same  solemnity,  the  same  obligation,  as  oaths 
elsewhere.  To  deny  the  obligation  of  oaths  is  scarcely 
less  criminal  and  evinces  scarcely  less  depravity  than 
perjury  itself;  and  the  man  who  does  the  one  cannot 
be  expected  to  stop  short  of  the  other,  whenever  there 
exists  a  temptation  to  commit  it.  Capt.  Truman,  who 
is  the  only  witness  to  this  Charge  and  who,  in  our 
esteem  stands  far  above  even  the  suspicion  of  false- 
hood or  intentional  misrepresentation,  testifies  that  in 
March,  1809,  at  the  Custom  house  in  the  presence  of 
the  Collector  and  Deputy  Collector,  Mr.  Deforest  said 
to  him  that  he  would  not  give  a  straw  for  a  Master  of  a 
Vessel  who  would  mind  a  custom  house  oath.  He  testi- 
fies that  it  was  audibly  spoken,  and  in  consequence  of 
his  refusing  to  make  oath  to  the  manifest  made  out  by 
Mr.  Deforest  because  the  cargo  or  some  part  of  it  was 
undervalued. 

We  enter  upon  the  consideration  of  this  part  of  the 
case  with  seriousness  and  anxiety  to  find  the  truth, 
which  so  weighty  a  matter  is  calculated  to  inspire.  If 
Capt.  Truman  could  not  misremember  the  words  which 
were  used,   and   could  not  have  misunderstood  the 


[  S7] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


New  Haven  meaning  of  what  was  said  we  must  believe  Mr.  De- 
forest guilty  of  the  crime  laid  to  his  charge.  It  is  no 
reproach  to  Capt.  Truman  to  suppose  that  after  the 
lapse  of  nearly  seven  years  he  may  not  remember  the 
words  used  by  Mr.  Deforest  or  that  he  may  have  mis- 
apprehended his  meaning.  We  believe  that  one  or  the 
other  or  both  these  things  are  the  fact.  There  was 
doubtless  a  difference  of  opinion  between  Capt.  Tru- 
man and  Mr.  Deforest  respecting  the  value  of  the  Cargo 
in  question  as  it  stood  in  the  manifest.  It  appears  by 
the  testimony  before  us,  that  no  great  exactness  is 
usually  aimed  at  in  valueing  cargoes  in  the  manifest. 
The  object  of  this  valuation  is  the  information  of  the 
Government  of  the  United  States  as  to  the  value  of  the 
exports  of  the  Country.  A  valuation  sufficiently  accu- 
rate for  this  object  is  all  that  is  understood  to  be 
required.  In  these  circumstances  it  is  not  an  improb- 
able fact  that  Mr.  Deforest  thought  Capt.  Truman 
unnecessarily  exact  and  scrupleous,  and  was  led  by  this 
exactness  and  over  scrupleousness,  as  he  esteemed  it 
to  utter  expressions  concerning  this  conduct  of  Capt. 
Truman,  which  he  understood  to  refer  to  the  solemnity 
of  an  oath,  and  which  made  upon  his  mind  an  impres- 
sion that  Mr.  Deforest  had  reproached  him  for  his  con- 
duct in  manifesting  a  just  regard  for  the  obligations 

of  an  oath. 

Several  circumstances  concur  to  convince  the  mind 
that  Mr.  Deforest  did  not  use  the  language  imputed  to 
him.  Although  there  is  reason  to  fear  that  many  pay 
little  or  no  regard  to  custom  house  oaths,  yet  the  in- 
famy which  attaches  to  such  as  are  known  to  disregard 
them,  is  so  great,  that  it  is  in  no  small  degree  incredible, 
that  one  who  values  a  reputation  for  integrity,  should 

[  58  ] 


The  Church  Trial 


affirm,  that  in  his  opinion  there  is  no  crime  in  violating  New  Haven 
them.  It  is  still  more  extraordinary  that  Mr.  Deforest 
should  utter  such  a  sentiment  in  the  custom  house 
where  he  was  almost  daily  doing  business  as  a  mer- 
chant, and  in  the  hearing  of  the  Collector  and  Deputy 
Collector;  the  language  was  addressed  to  Capt.  Tru- 
man, a  member  of  the  same  church,  and  at  the  moment 
when  he  was  manifesting  his  scrupleous  regard  to 
truth,  in  that  to  which  he  was  to  make  oath,  with  what 
abhorrence  Capt.  Truman  would  regard  his  conduct  he 
would  not  be  ignorant.  It  is  difficult  to  believe  that 
Mr.  Deforest,  unless  under  the  influence  of  extreme 
irritation,  which  does  not  appear  to  have  been  the  case 
with  him,  could  have  failed  to  be  restrained  by  these 
considerations,  from  making  the  declarations  laid  to 
his  charge. 

We  cannot  but  express  our  unfeigned  regret  that  the 
investigation  of  this  matter  had  not  been  made  at  an 
earlier  period,  when  the  transaction  was  recent  and 
when  the  truth  might  have  been  arrived  at  with  far 
more  certainty  than  it  now  can.  But  this  is  not  the  sole 
nor  the  chief  cause  of  regret,  that  the  faults  of  Christian 
Bretheren  should  be  permitted  to  remain  long  unno- 
ticed. In  such  a  case,  the  transgressor  often  remains 
impenitent  and  always  liable  to  be  cut  off  in  his  sin. 
The  Church  is  reproached,  and  polluted  Christians  fail 
to  shew  their  hatred  of  sin  so  long  as  they  tolerate 
the  practice  of  it  in  any  other  members ;  and  Christ  is 
wounded  in  the  house  of  his  friends. 

The  breaches  of  Sabbath  charged  upon  Mr.  Deforest 
are  writing  letters  of  business,  and  loading  a  vessel 
upon  that  day.  With  respect  to  the  first  of  these 
breaches  it  was  testified  by  Capt.  Goodrich  and  ad- 


[  59] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


New  Haven  mitted  by  Mr.  Deforest  that  he  had  in  one  instance 
written  a  letter  of  business  upon  the  Sabbath  in  a  case 
of  urgent  necessity;  what  that  occasion  was  they  were 
neither  of  them  able  to  recollect.  It  was  also  ad- 
mitted by  Mr.  Deforest  that  he  might  have  written 
other  letters  of  business  upon  the  Sabbath,  but  remem- 
bered none.  In  such  cases  if  they  existed  there  was 
always  as  he  said  a  necessity  which  he  thought  justified 
him  in  doing  it.  As  there  may  exist  cases  of  necessity  in 
which  it  is  justifiable  to  write  letters  of  business  upon 
the  Sabbath,  the  evidence  before  us  and  which  we  have 
detailed,  does  not  seem  to  warrant  us  in  saying  that  the 
instance  confessed  by  Mr.  Deforest  was  of  this  char- 
acter. The  case  supposed  by  Mr.  Deforest  of  news  of 
the  arrival  of  a  vessel  upon  which  insurance  had  been 
ordered  at  a  distant  place  but  not  made,  and  to  prevent 
the  effecting  of  which  a  letter  must  be  written  upon  the 
Sabbath,  is  not  in  our  view  a  case  of  necessity  which 
will  justify  the  letter.  There  would  be  no  actual  loss  of 
property  in  this  case.  As  much  as  would  be  lost  by  one 
would  be  gained  by  another;  that  the  sum  is  great 
can  make  no  difference.  The  admission  of  the  princi- 
ple of  the  supposed  case,  would  justify  all  manner  of 
trafficking  upon  the  Sabbath  which  would  yield  a 
profit  to  either  party  concerned  in  it.  It  is  lawfull 
to  labour  upon  the  Sabbath  to  save  property  from 
destruction  or  unusual  damage,  and  for  no  other  pur- 
pose. 

As  to  the  breach  of  Sabbath  in  loading  a  vessel  upon 
that  day,  it  appears  that  inteligence  was  received  from 
Washington,  and  believed,  on  Saturday,  that  an  act 
had  passed  the  house  of  Representatives,  laying  an 
embargo  which  was  expected  to  become  a  law  and 


[60] 


The  Church  Trial 


reach  this  place  by  the  Monday  following.  There  were  New  Haven 
invthe  hands  of  Mr.  De  Forest  and  his  partner,  iooo  or 
1 200  barrels  of  flour  owned  in  New  York.  This  flour 
had  become  a  little  sour  and  on  that  account  unsaleable 
in  the  American  market.  It  would  continue  to  become 
worse  the  longer  it  was  kept  should  the  expected  em- 
bargo take  place  and  the  flour  remain  here  an  almost 
entire  loss  of  it  was  expected  or  strongly  apprehended. 
Abroad  the  flour  although  damaged,  would  find  a  mar- 
ket. In  these  circumstances  a  shipment  of  this  flour 
was  commenced  Saturday  afternoon,  and  in  this  busi- 
ness Mr.  Deforest  continued  engaged  till  one  or  two 
oclock  in  the  morning  of  the  Sabbath.  The  shipment 
of  this  flour  in  these  circumstances  does  not  appear  to 
us  to  be  a  work  of  necessity  which  it  is  lawfull  to  do 
upon  the  Sabbath  and  that  in  doing  it  Mr.  Deforest 
violated  the  Sabbath,  i 

We  are  unwilling  to  refrain  on  this  occasion  to  ex- 
press our  regret  that  any  who  profess  to  consider  Satur- 
day evening  as  a  part  of  the  Sabbath  should  customa- 
rily employ  any  part  of  that  evening  in  secular  business, 
if  that  evening  belongs  to  the  Sabbath  it  is  assumed  as 
any  other  part  of  the  day  and  can  no  more  be  violated 
with  impunity. 

The  fact  and  the  criminality  of  playing  at  Cards  in 
New  York  are  confessed  by  Mr.  Deforest.  We  are  of 
opinion  that  the  members  of  the  Church  to  whom  this 
conduct  was  known  were  guilty  of  a  neglect  of  duty  in 
permitting  it  to  remain  in  a  state  of  so  much  silence  till 
this  late  period.  The  crime  required  a  publick  acknowl- 
edgement from  Mr.  Deforest.  But  from  the  silence  of 
his  Bretheren  he  had  reason  to  suppose  that  no  other 
sattisfaction  was  required  than  what  he  had  given. 


[61  ] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


New  Haven  There  is  no  suspicion  that  the  offence  has  been  re- 
peated. 

Reformation  which  is  a  primary  object  of  the  disci- 
pline of  the  Church  seems  to  have  been  voluntarily 
accomplished  by  the  offender  himself.  He  has  con- 
fessed his  fault  to  his  accusor  and  to  us,  and  expressed 
his  sorrow.  He  signifies  his  willingness  to  do  the  same 
to  others  who  are  not  already  sattisfied.  Many  years 
have  elapsed  since  this  transaction  was  extensively 
known  in  the  Church,  and  Mr.  Deforest  has  been 
called  to  no  public  account  till  this  time.  The  honor  of 
the  Church  seems  to  forbid  that  an  offence  which  has 
remained  so  long  unnoticed  should  be  called  again  to 
remembrance. 

In  these  circumstances  it  appears  to  us  unreasonable 
to  call  Mr.  Deforest  to  any  further  account  for  this 
offence.  We  lament  that  to  publish  one  to  another  the 
misconduct  of  our  Bretheren  has  so  much  prevailed 
and  been  so  long  tolerated  in  this  Church.  It  is  an  un- 
scriptural  practice  against  the  Law  of  Love  and  mis- 
chievous to  the  peace,  unity  and  honor  of  the  Church. 

Of  the  Charges  of  presenting  a  false  manifest  to  the 
Custom  house,  of  virtually  denying  the  obligation  of 
Custom  house  oaths,  and  of  breaking  the  Sabbath  by 
writing  letters  of  business  upon  that  day,  we  find  Mr. 
Deforest  not  guilty.  Respecting  the  Charge  of  playing 
at  Cards  we  find  that  he  has  made  all  the  sattisfaction 
that  can  at  this  late  period  be  required  of  him.  Of 
breaking  the  Sabbath  by  loading  a  vessel  on  Saturday 
night  till  one  or  two  oclock  in  the  morning  of  the  Sab- 
bath we  find  that  he  is  guilty.  This  offence  having 
been  committed  in  the  view  of  the  publick  requires 
from  Mr.  Deforest  a  publick  acknowledgement  of  it 


[62] 


The  Church  Trial 


and  a  publick  expression  of  his  sorrow  for  it  before    NewHwen 
the  Church  of  which  he  is  a  member. 
New  Haven,  February  9th,  1816. 

Samuel  Darling. 

Dyer  White. 

SCOVIL    HlNMAN. 

Nathan  Whiting. 
Stephen  Twining. 

Thus,  to  summarize  briefly  the  report  of  the  Com- 
mittee, Mr.  de  Forest  was  found  "not  guilty"  re- 
specting the  false  manifest,  the  Custom  House  oath, 
and  the  writing  of  business  letters  on  the  Sabbath. 
Respecting  the  card  -  playing,  they  found  that  no 
further  satisfaction  was  necessary  at  this  late  date. 
With  reference  to  the  loading  of  the  vessel  on  the 
Sabbath  they  found  him  guilty  and  they  decided, 
"This  offence  having  been  committed  in  the  view 
of  the  publick  requires  from  Mr.  Deforest  a  publick 
acknowledgement  of  it  and  a  publick  expression  of 
his  sorrow  for  it  before  the  Church  of  which  he  is 
a  member." 

A  few  facts  with  regard  to  "  loading  a  ship  on  the 
Sabbath"  and  "playing  cards"  may  not  be  amiss  at 
this  point  in  the  narrative.  With  reference  to  the 
former  charge,  the  following  statements  were  unchal- 
lenged. Goodrich  &  De  Forest  had  had  in  store 
shortly  before  the  breaking  out  of  the  War  of  181 2 
about  twelve  hundred  barrels  of  flour  belonging  to 
a  New  York  house.  On  a  certain  Saturday  morning 

[63  ] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


New  Haven  a  partner  in  this  house  arrived  by  "express"  in  New 
Haven,  bringing  the  news  that  an  embargo  act  had 
passed  the  lower  house  of  Congress  and  was  expected 
to  pass  the  Senate  immediately,  so  that  the  news 
would  probably  reach  New  Haven  by  the  follow- 
ing Monday.  He  therefore  directed  Goodrich  &  De 
Forest  to  charter  a  vessel  and  get  the  flour  off  before 
that  time  if  possible.  The  members  of  the  firm  imme- 
diately secured  a  Spanish  vessel,  the  only  one  avail- 
able which  was  large  enough,  but  it  was  afternoon 
before  the  price  was  arranged  and  they  could  begin 
the  loading.  They  employed  all  the  men  and  carts 
they  could  get,  a  sloop,  and  two  or  three  scows,  and 
by  about  ten  o'clock  that  evening  all  the  barrels  were 
removed  from  the  store;  but  the  laborers  were  still  to 
be  paid  off,  and  it  was  two  o'clock  on  Sunday  morn- 
ing before  the  partners  were  able  to  leave  for  home. 
The  flour  was  at  this  time  a  little  sour  and  almost 
unsalable  in  New  Haven,  while  it  could  be  sold  at 
a  reduced  rate  elsewhere.  Had  the  embargo  passed 
before  the  removal  of  the  flour,  a  total  loss  would 
probably  have  ensued.  As  the  embargo  did  not  pass, 
the  flour  was  finally  returned  to  the  care  of  Goodrich 
&  De  Forest,  who  made  no  charge  whatever  to  the 
owners  for  all  their  trouble. 

With  regard  to  the  charge  of  "playing  cards,"  the 
facts  were  that  in  1807,  nine  years  before  Mr.  de 
Forest's  prosecution,  he  and  a  friend,  Captain  Gad 
Peck,  boarded  a  packet  in  New  York  which  was  com- 

[  64] 


The  Church  Trial 


manded  by  a  mutual  friend,  Captain  Lines.  Finding  New  Haven 
the  company  engaged  in  a  game  of  "Loo"  and  being 
invited  to  do  so,  they  joined  in  the  game.  Mr.  Stuart, 
Lockwood's  pastor  in  New  Haven  at  that  time, 
speaking  to  him  about  it  later,  found  him  at  first 
inclined  to  justify  himself,  saying  that  Captain 
Lines,  whom  he  believed  to  be  a  very  good  man, 
often  played  at  "Loo."  Later,  however,  he  made 
an  ample  and,  to  his  pastor,  perfectly  satisfactory 
confession  of  his  guilt.  He  also  made  the  same  ac- 
knowledgment of  guilt  and  repentance  to  any  who 
charged  him  with  the  sin. 

On  hearing  the  Committee's  report  read,  Mr.  de 
Forest  discovered  that  it  included  only  part  of  the 
testimony  that  had  been  given  at  the  hearing.  To 
this  partial  inclusion  he  took  vigorous  exception  and 
the  next  day  wrote  a  "Protest"  about  the  matter  to 
the  members  of  the  Committee.  Captain  Truman's 
testimony  was  directly  contrary  to  his  own  remem- 
brance and  to  the  recollections  of  other  witnesses; 
and  while  the  Committee  acquitted  de  Forest,  thus 
discrediting  Truman's  accuracy,  they  gave  much 
space  in  the  report  to  a  vindication  of  Truman's 
character  for  integrity.  This  also  was  a  special 
grievance  to  Mr.  de  Forest,  as  he  did  not  consider 
such  a  vindication  germane  to  the  subject  under 
discussion. 

Had  he  omitted  any  comment  and  rested  with  his 
technical  objections  to  the  omission  of  testimony, 

[  65  ] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


New  Haven  which  were  evidently  within  his  right,  much  future 
trouble  might  have  been  avoided.  But,  stung  by 
what  he  considered  the  flagrant  injustice  done  him 
and  doubtless  rendered  somewhat  intolerant  by  the 
irregular  matter  included  in  the  report,  he  went  on  to 
dictate  a  policy  of  procedure,  the  rebuke  of  which  was 
most  likely  ill  received.  Certainly  somewhere  at  this 
point  new  fuel  was  added  to  the  flame. 

The  pastor  now  drew  up  the  following  "  Proposed 
Confession"  on  the  subject  of  the  breach  of  the  Sab- 
bath, which  he  said  would  be  acceptable  to  the  Com- 
mittee: "With  respect  to  the  charge  of  violating 
the  Sabbath  in  loading  a  ship  I  say,  that  at  the  time 
of  that  transaction  I  was  fully  satisfied  in  my  own 
conscience  that  I  was  doing  what  was  lawful  &  right 
for  me  to  do  at  t  time  &  under  t  circumstances  as 
above  related  and  that  I  have  ever  since  been  of  t 
same  opinion.1  This  charge,  however,  having  been 
lately  refered  to  five  brethren  in  whose  wisdom  & 
piety  I  have  great  confidence,  &  as  I  formed  my 
judgment  of  the  transaction  under  circumstances 
perhaps  not  the  most  favorable  to  a  correct  judg- 
ment, I  cheerfully  acknowledge  that  I  may  have 
erred  in  that  opinion  and  that  as  the  above  five 
bretheren  are  of  opinion  that  I  did  err,  I  ought  to 
yield  my  opinion  to  theirs.  So  far,  therefore,  as  I 
may  have  offended  any  of  my  brethren  in  this  trans- 

1  In  this  quotation  "t"  of  course  represents  the  word 


"the" 


[  66  ] 


The  Church  Trial 


action  or  wounded  t  Cause  of  Christ  by  what  is   New  Haven 
deemed  a  mistaken  apprehension  of  my  duty  at  t 
time,  I  do  before  God  &  this  church  deeply  regret 
that  I  have  done  so." 

To  this  Mr.  de  Forest  answered:  "I  do  not  object 
to  making  the  Confession  drawn  up  by  Mr.  Taylor 
as  a  Satisfactory  compliance  with  the  decision  of 
the  Committee  on  the  Subject  of  Breach  of  Sabbath 
in  loading  a  Ship  under  the  circumstances,  as  pro- 
posed by  him." 

In  the  meantime  the  three  accusers  had  conferred 
and  had  formulated  a  set  of  objections  of  their  own. 
Whether  they  were  dissatisfied  with  the  original  re- 
port of  the  Committee,  as  lacking  in  the  discipline 
necessary  to  Mr.  de  Forest's  spiritual  welfare,  or 
were  irritated  by  the  attitude  manifested  in  his  pro- 
test and  therefore  thought  the  confession  drawn  up 
by  Mr.  Taylor  too  lenient  in  form,  it  is  impossible 
to  state;  but  they  pressed  the  matter  of  a  public  con- 
fession on  the  subject  of  the  playing  of  cards,  and 
on  February  ioth  proposed  through  Mr.  Taylor  and 
Nathan  Whiting,  the  latter  a  member  of  the  Stand- 
ing Committee,  that  Mr.  de  Forest  "would  consent  to 
make  a  Publick  Confession  for  Playing  Cards  in  New 
York  and  consent  to  have  the  Report  of  the  Com- 
mittee of  his  late  trial  lodged  in  the  hands  of  Mr. 
Taylor  and  he  to  have  no  copy  of  it,  that  in  that 
case  they  would  consent  to  accept  such  Confes- 
sion as  Mr.  Taylor  showed  them  on  the  subject  of 

[67] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


New  Haven   Loading  a  ship  Saturday  night,  and  bury  all  differ- 


ences." 


Mr.  de  Forest  now  felt  that  he  and  his  affairs 
would  be  better  off  in  the  hands  of  the  Church.  He 
therefore  made  a  counter  proposal;  namely,  that  if 
the  Committee  would  let  him  have  a  copy  of  the 
report,  he  would  be  willing  to  abide  by  the  decision 
of  the  Church  as  to  whether  a  confession  about  play- 
ing cards  was  necessary  or  not.  The  accusers,  un- 
doubtedly fearing  that  he  might  use  it  to  prolong 
the  contention  and  that  the  discussions  would  be 
without  end,  were  not  willing  that  he  should  have 
this  copy;  and  he  naturally  refused  to  accede  to  the 
humiliating  condition  of  a  public  confession  of  play- 
ing cards,  as  it  had  not  been  demanded  by  the  Com- 
mittee, and  would  not  even  purchase  for  him  the 
copy  of  their  report,  the  attainment  of  which  had  now 
become  the  object  of  many  of  his  proposals. 

As  the  accusers  were  not  willing  to  abide  by  the 
report  of  the  Committee,  a  church  trial,  involving 
all  the  questions  at  issue,  was  decided  upon.  On 
February  ioth  Mr.  de  Forest  received  notice  from 
the  pastor  through  Mr.  Gladding  that  "a  Church 
meeting  would  be  warned  from  the  desk  the  next 
day"  (Sunday),  and  on  Monday  he  was  served  with 
copies  of  the  two  sets  of  charges  —  those  made  by 
D.  S.  Gladding  and  by  Captain  Brintnall.  In  ad- 
dition, that  same  afternoon  a  church  committee 
waited  on  him  and  gave  him  formal  notice  that 

[68] 


CENTRE  CHURCH,  NEW   HAVEN 
From  an  engraving  by  Fenner,  Sears  &  Co.,  in  Library  of  Yale  University. 


The  Church  Trial 


charges  had  been  preferred  against  him  and  that  he   New  Haven 
was  required  to  come  before  the  Church  and  answer 
them.   Accordingly,  that  night,  February  12th,  he 
"appeared  before  the  Church." 

At  the  beginning  of  the  trial  an  astonishing  dis- 
covery was  made.  Mr.  Gladding's  set  of  charges  was 
not  to  be  found,  and  there  was  therefore  no  docu- 
ment of  his  on  which  to  try  the  accused.  Mr.  de 
Forest  lent  his  own  copy,  which,  having  been  sent  to 
him  in  a  personal  letter,  was  afterward  returned  to 
him.  One  cannot  help  speculating  on  the  prolonged 
contention  that  might  have  been  avoided  and  the 
peace  to  the  church  and  its  members  that  might 
have  been  preserved  had  Mr.  de  Forest's  own  copy 
been  lost  likewise.  Commenting  in  1827  on  the 
absence  of  these  charges  Lockwood,  in  a  Memorial 
presented  by  him  to  the  church,  said :  "  No  original 
charges  from  Gladding  were  then  before  the  Church; 
nor  to  this  day  do  any  charges  whatever  appear  on 
the  files  of  the  Church  against  me." 

The  charges  of  Mr.  Gladding  were  as  follows:  — 

Charge  1.  —  I  think  it  from  three  to  four  years  since 
Capt.  Daniel  Truman  told  me  that,  some  time  previous 
to  that  time  Mr.  De  Forest  wrote  a  wrong  or  false 
manifest  of  a  vessel's  cargo,  at  the  Custom-house,  for 
him  to  sign. 

2.  That  on  his  objecting  to  it,  saying  it  was  wrong 
and  he  would  not  make  oath  to  it,  he  (Mr.  De  Forest) 
said  he  would  not  give  a  fig  or  a  straw  for  a  master  of 
a  vessel  who  cared  anything  for  a  custom-house  oath, 

[691 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


New  Haven   and  that  this  was  spoken  in  the  presence   of  four 
men. 

3.  Another  offence  I  would  state,  is  his  loading  a 
ship  on  the  Sabbath. 

4.  He  (De  Forest)  then  told  me  that  he  had  fre- 
quently wrote  letters  of  business  on  that  day. 

5.  I  think  I  told  him  I  had  heard  he  had  posted 
books  on  the  Sabbath. 

6.  He  also  told  Selah  Barnes  he  should  think  it  his 
duty  to  ride  all  day  on  the  Sabbath,  if  he  were  sure  to 
make  a  thousand  dollars  by  it. 

7.  He  has  also  been  guilty  of  playing  cards  in  New 
York. 

Captain  Brintnall's  charges  consist  of  three,  and 
are  in  the  following  words :  — 

Mr.  Lockwood  De  Forest:  — 

As  you  insist  on  my  charging  you  in  writing,  which 
I  bring  against  you  before  the  Church  as  follows: 

Charge  1.  —  Playing  cards  in  New  York. 

2.  For  having  charged  me  with  having,  in  an  un- 
christian manner  taken  from  you  your  Christian  char- 
acter. 

3.  For  saying  that,  in  certain  cases  which  you  men- 
tioned, it  would  be  your. duty  to  steal  for  your  children 
or  family. 

Lockwood's  former  partner,  Captain  Goodrich, 
appeared  in  his  behalf;  otherwise  the  testimony  was 
essentially  that  already  presented  to  the  Committee. 
To  use  the  defendant's  own  words  as  given  in  the 
already  mentioned  Memorial:  "The  result  of  the 

[70} 


The  Church  Trial 


trial  was,   an  acquittal  on  all  charges   preferred   New  Haven 
against  me.   And  after  my  accusers,  and  the  wit- 
nesses  against   me,   had  withdrawn,   the   Church 
unanimously  (as  I  was  told)  voted  me  a  dismission 
and  recommendation." 

The  Church  did  indeed  vote  that  each  charge  was 
"not  substantiated"  except  in  the  matter  of  playing 
cards.  Here  there  was  a  division  of  opinion  as  to 
whether  the  offence  demanded  a  public  confession  or 
not.  Some  believed  that  so  long  a  time  had  elapsed 
since  the  offence  had  been  committed  that  a  pub- 
lic penance  was  unnecessary,  especially  as  Mr.  de 
Forest  appeared  willing  to  confess  the  "crime"  to 
any  who  should  give  him  the  opportunity.  On  the 
other  hand,  it  was  thought  that  as  the  crime  was 
publicly  known,  no  evidence  of  repentance  could  be 
furnished  without  a  public  confession.  The  church 
vote  on  this  question  was  evenly  divided  —  Yeas  14, 
Nays  14.  Nevertheless,  the  Church  voted  to  give 
the  certificate  of  recommendation. 

Early  the  next  morning  Mr.  de  Forest  called  on 
Mr.  Taylor  and  obtained  the  certificate,  but  at  noon 
received  a  letter  from  him  asking  for  its  return, 
the  reason  given  being  that  Captain  Brintnall  had  . 
lodged  a  "remonstrance"  against  the  action  of  the 
Church  and  wished  a  new  meeting  called.  This  was 
the  last  straw.  Sorely  tried  patience  could  endure 
no  more.  Mr.  de  Forest  apparently  called  on  Mr. 
Taylor,  accompanied  by  his  friend,  Amariah  Lucas, 

[71  ] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


New  Haven   as  a  witness,  and  handed  the  clergyman  the  follow- 
ing note : 

Rev.  N.  Taylor. 
Dear  Sir 

I  request  of  you  a  Copy  of  the  vote  of  the  Church 
on  the  subject  of  my  own  &  my  Wife's  Dismission  and 
recommendation  passed  by  the  Church. 

Yours  affectionately, 

Lockwood  De  Forest. 

This  request  Mr.  Taylor  denied,  Mr.  Lucas  tran- 
scribing the  fact  as  follows :  — 

Mr.  Taylor  refuses  to  give  any  Copy  of  the  above 
other  than  the  Certificate  of  recommendation  given 
him  and  his  Wife  to  another  Church. 

Present,  Amariah  Lucas. 

Lockwood  then  asked  for  a  copy  of  the  remon- 
strance, which  was  also  refused.  This  fact,  too,  was 
faithfully  noted  down.  At  this  point  Mr.  Taylor's 
patience  ebbed.  He  was  much  offended  at  having 
his  words  recorded  under  his  very  eyes  and  declared 
that  he  despised  such  lawyer-like  proceedings.  His 
caller,  however,  persisted,  saying  that  he  had  too 
often  been  misrepresented.  Thereupon,  with  the  re- 
lationship between  the  two  men  thoroughly  strained, 
he  took  his  departure. 

He  had  hardly  reached  his  lodgings  before  he  re- 
ceived another  letter  from  Mr.  Taylor,  requesting 
the  return  of  the  certificate.  He  stood  his  ground, 
however,  and  at  6  p.m.  replied  that  duty  to  his 

[72] 


The  Church  Trial 


family  required  that  he  should  retain  the  document   New  Haven 
but  that  he  should  make  no  use  of  it  until  this  un- 
happy business  was  settled.  At  7  p.m.  Mr.  Taylor 
wrote  that  this  would  be  entirely  satisfactory. 

Evidently  the  high-water  mark  of  contention  had 
been  reached,  and  during  the  night  a  policy  of  pacifi- 
cation, as  swift  as  it  was  complete,  seems  to  have 
become  acceptable  to  all.  The  next  morning  (Febru- 
ary 14th)  Taylor  notified  de  Forest  that  the  remon- 
strance had  been  withdrawn  and  that  Brintnall 
authorized  him  to  say  that  nothing  but  a  sense  of 
duty  had  led  him  to  hand  it  in,  that  he  had  no  per- 
sonal feeling  against  de  Forest  to  gratify  by  this 
transaction,  that  he  had  the  welfare  of  the  church 
as  well  as  de  Forest's  own  at  heart,  and  that  he  was 
unwilling  on  more  reflection  to  hazard  the  peace  of 
the  church  by  any  further  prosecution  of  the  matter. 

With  humility  born  of  experience,  de  Forest  sent 
best  wishes  to  Brintnall  for  his  peace  and  happiness, 
and  added :  "  So  far  as  I  have  not  by  all  the  means 
in  my  power  strove  to  prevent  the  Melancholy  con- 
sequences it  is  my  sin,  &  I  beg  you  &  all  my  Chris- 
tian Friends  to  pardon  my  neglect." 

Trusting  that  an  end  had  now  come  to  the  whole 
unhappy  business,  he  wrote  asking  for  a  short  open 
letter  to  his  new  pastor  explaining  the  situation, 
adding  a  pathetic  postscript,  which  cannot  surprise 
one,  considering  all  he  had  been  through:  "My 
strength  is  exhausted  or  would  gladly  call  and  see 

[  73  ] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


Nm  Haven  you."  Concerning  the  termination  of  this  strenuous 
New  Haven  visit,  he  says:  "Indulging  the  pleasing 
hope  that  my  sufferings  in  this  distressing  affair 
were  now  at  an  end,  I  returned  to  my  anxious  and 
distressed  family." 

To  Lockwood's  note  Mr.  Taylor  replied  the  next 
day,  saying  that  the  instrument  spoke  for  itself  and 
that  any  further  words  would  only  diminish  the 
weight  of  it.  He  then  added  the  following  letter, 
which  we  can  but  consider  awful  as  well  as  scathing 
and  which  we  quote  at  length,  as  we  do  a  later  letter, 
because  it  gives  an  excellent  idea  of  the  morbid  and 
almost  fanatical  religious  tenets  of  the  time,  as  well 
as  of  the  vehement  personal  exhortations  men  were 
in  those  days  accustomed  to  send  to  each  other. 

New  Haven, 
Feb.  15th,  1815. 

Mr.  Lockwood  De  Forest. 

Dear  Sir:  — 

...  I  sought  an  opportunity  to  converse  with  you 
before  you  left  town.  I  felt  &  still  feel  that  I  owe  you 
a  solemn  &  an  important  duty. 

Concerning  the  transaction  of  loading  the  ship  on  the 
sabbath  I  wish  to  submit  to  you  three  questions;  not 
for  an  answer  to  be  given  to  me  but  to  your  own  con- 
science. 

Was  you  not  lead  to  load  that  vessel  merely  from 
the  principle  of  gain?  Has  not  this  transaction  been 
viewed  by  many  of  your  brethren  as  a  criminal  vio- 
lation of  the  sabbath,  and  the  cause  of  Christ  been 
wounded  by  it?   Would  not  the  spirit  of  a  disciple  of 

[74] 


The  Church  Trial 


Jesus  not  only  prompt  you  to  consent,  but  make  you    New  Haven 
anxious  to  wipe  away  such  reproach  at  least  in  the 
manner  proposed  by  Mr.  Whiting  &  myself? 

That  the  transaction  in  New  York  demanded  a  pub- 
lic confession  I  have  no  doubt.  My  reasons  for  this 
opinion  are  the  following;  I.  It  was  a  crime  by  your 
own  acknowledgement.  2.  It  has  long  been  known 
publicly  and  been  the  occasion  of  reproach  on  your 
own  character,  and  also  on  the  honor  of  the  Church. 

3.  The  private  confessions,  which  you  have  made 
amount  to  nothing.  They  do  not,  they  cannot  cover  the 
wound.  In  cases  like  this,  a  public  confession  is  indis- 
pensable; so  much  so  that  no  evidence  of  repentance  is 
or  can  be  given  of  repentance,  until  such  confession 
is  made.  While  this  is  not  done,  the  very  condition 
of  forgiveness  is  not  complied  with.  While  there  is  a 
reluctance  to  do  it,  you  are  not  authorised  yourself  to 
think  you  have  repented  of  this  fault;  you  have  deci- 
sive proof  that  you  love  your  own  reputation  better 
than  the  cause  of  Christ;  while  this  reluctance  is  mani- 
fested your  brethren  have  no  evidence  of  your  repent- 
ance; and  the  assertion  that  the  omniscient  eye  of  God 
has  never  seen  a  contrite  heart  in  you  for  this  offence,  is 
fully  warranted.  God  himself  has  demanded  a  public 
confession  in  such  cases  as  the  only  satisfactory  evi- 
dence of  repentance,  and  therefore  no  such  evidence 
can  exist  even  to  your  own  mind  till  such  a  confession 
is  made.  And  let  this  principle,  a  principle  adopted  in 
every  evangelical  &  fruitful  Church  on  earth,  I  say,  let 
this  principle  be  abandoned,  and  another  public  con- 
fession can  never  be  required  in  the  Christian  Church. 

4.  A  disinterested  &  proper  regard  to  your  own  char- 
acter requires  this  confession.  I  know  it  is  thought  dis- 


[75] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


New  Haven  graceful,  it  is  viewed  as  fixing  a  stigma  on  the  character 
to  make  such  confession.  But  is  it  so?  Is  it  disgraceful 
to  confess  our  faults  ?  Did  this  ever  degrade  a  Christian 
even  in  the  eye  of  the  world  ?  Can  it  be  supposed  that 
Christ  has  required  that  of  his  followers  which  is  really- 
disgraceful?  I  am  aware  to  have  committed  the  fault 
is  disgraceful.  And  this  disgrace  will  remain  upon  you 
till  it  is  wiped  away  by  a  confession.  So  far  then  will 
such  a  confession  be  from  affixing  a  blot  on  your  char- 
acter, that  no  act  of  your  life  would  afford  such  decisive 
testimony  of  your  piety,  your  humility,  your  likeness  to 
Christ,  as  this  act.  Not  one  in  the  Church  nor  out  of 
the  Church  but  would  irresistibly  regard  it  in  this  man- 
ner. I  am  persuaded  (and  I  speak  with  the  frankness 
which  love  to  your  best  good  only  could  inspire)  that 
your  character  will  actually  suffer  in  the  estimation  of 
many  of  the  most  worthy  members  of  the  church,  not 
excepting  many  of  those  who  voted  not  to  require  this 
of  you,  till  such  a  confession  is  made. 

5.  The  church  were  exactly  divided  in  opinion  on 
this  question.  I  do  not  say  that  the  Church  have 
required  of  you  a  confession.  They  have  voted  you 
a  dismission.  Whether  consistently  or  not,  I  do  not 
decide.  But  where  this  fact  is  known  it  is  easy  to  see 
that  the  weight  of  such  a  certificate  must  be  greatly 
impaired  in  the  opinion  of  many.  But  the  question 
which  I  ask  here  is,  how  would  the  full  exercise  of  the 
Christian  temper  lead  you  to  act?  Would  it  be  unlaw- 
ful in  such  a  case  to  make  a  confession?  Would  it  not 
show  a  Christian  spirit  of  conciliation  which  you  can- 
not shew  in  any  other  way?  I  ask  no  reply  to  be  made 
to  me.  I  leave  you  to  answer  these  inquiries  to  yourself, 
&  to  God. 


[76] 


The  Church  Trial 


6.  A  sin  like  this,  while  unrepented  of,  will  forever  New  Haven 
mar  your  peace.  You  will  not  know  what  it  is  to  go  to 
your  God  &  Saviour  with  humble  confession  in  prayer, 
&  what  it  is  to  enjoy  the  light  of  his  countenance. 
Tho  you  are  a  child  of  God  I  cannot  believe  that  you 
can  enjoy  the  witness  of  his  spirit.  You  at  best  will  be 
feeble  fluctuating  &  insufficient  to  support  you  under 
the  trials  of  life  &  in  the  prospect  of  death.  It  is  my 
unwavering  opinion,  that  should  you  enter  eternity 
without  making  this  confession,  that  you  will  bear  that 
sin  up  to  the  bar  of  Christ  where  it  will  become  a  swift 
witness  to  testify  that  you  have  repented  of  no  sin 
whatever.  .  .  . 

And  now  my  dear  Brother  I  entreat  [you]  to  lay  these 
things  to  heart,  I  enjoin  it  upon  you  to  keep  them 
wholly  to  yourself.  I  shall  consider  it  a  breach,  of  trust  if 
you  do  not.  I  have  said  these  things  to  you,  because 
I  feel  that  my  Master  requires  it  at  my  hands.  I  fear 
you  will  neglect  what  I  deem  your  indispensable  duty. 
Such  neglect  I  am  persuaded  will  plant  your  dying  pil- 
low with  thorns,  &  if  persevered  in  will  be  produced  on 
the  final  day,  as  the  ground  of  evidence  of  that  awful 
declaration  of  the  Judge,  /  never  knew  you.  But  you 
will  perhaps  ask,  is  this  acting  the  part  of  friendship? 
Yes,  if  I  act  the  part  of  a  Christian  or  a  minister  of 
Christ.  I  know  not  how  I  could  act  the  part  of  Chris- 
tian friendship  &  say  less  than  I  have  said.  It  has  cost 
me  an  agony  to  write  this.  If  I  lose  your  friendship,  I 
have  done  what  in  me  lies  to  prevent  the  loss  of  your 
soul.  The  judgment  day  will  decide  whether  I  have 
treated  you  kindly  or  not.  Take  then  I  beseech  you  the 
Gospel  of  Jesus  for  your  guide.  Lay  aside  every  mis- 
taken regard  to  reputation  in  this  world,  and  ask  only 


[77] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


New  Haven  what  is  duty.  That  God  will  lead  you  to  perform  it  is 
the  sincere  prayer  of  your  affectionate  friend  &  brother 
in  the  Lord.  .  .   . 

N.  W.  Taylor. 

New  York  The  letter  from  Lockwood's  pastor  followed  him 
to  New  York,  but,  in  accordance  with  Mr.  Taylor's 
request,  he  seems  to  have  spoken  of  it  to  no  one. 

After  returning  to  New  York,  he  and  his  wife 
fulfilled  their  intention  of  joining  Mr.  Rowan's 
church ;  but  even  after  this  had  been  accomplished, 
Lockwood  de  Forest  found  himself  unable  to  refrain 
from  brooding  over  the  fact  that  he  was  denied 
copies  of  the  church  records  and  over  the  injus- 
tice, as  he  thought,  of  some  of  the  decisions  of  the 
Church.  In  April  he  was  once  more  in  New  Haven 
and  wrote  a  letter  to  Mr.  Taylor,  again  asking  for 
the  desired  copies.  Mr.  Taylor  refused  on  the  ground 
that  "an  improper  use  might  be  made  of  such 
copies." 

In  May  he  wrote  again,  begging  that  the  records 
be  so  amended  as  to  read  simply,  "Guilty  or  Not 
Guilty"  —  "Proved  or  Not  Proved,"  —  or  else  that 
all  the  testimony  be  detailed.  His  former  pastor 
in  a  final  refusal  said,  "I  made  the  record  knowing 
I  was  responsible  to  God  for  it.  If  it  be  wrong,  it 
will  be  corrected  hereafter  by  that  made  in  heaven," 
and  from  the  depths  of  his  sorely  tried  patience, 
added,  "I  will  only  request  you  to  trouble  me  with 
as  few  communications  on  this  subject  as  may  be. 

[78  ] 


5> 


The  Church  Trial 


Thus  the  matter  remained  until  the  following  New  York 
September,  when  Mr.  de  Forest  prepared  a  "Memo- 
rial to  the  first  Church  in  New  Haven."  In  this 
paper  he  sent  transcripts  of  all  the  letters  and  papers 
in  his  possession  concerning  the  whole  unhappy  af- 
fair and  asked  that  copies  be  sent  to  him  of  the  vari- 
ous votes,  of  Captain  Brintnall's  remonstrance,  etc., 
but  especially  of  the  record  of  his  trial  before  the 
church  on  February  12,  1816. 

He  also  called  the  attention  of  the  Church  to  the 
"  rules  of  discipline  "  of  the  Dutch  Reformed  Church, 
which,  he  said,  that  church  claimed  had  been  in 
practice  in  the  United  States  since  1619.  In  speak- 
ing of  church  trials  the  rules  said,  "The  sum  of  evi- 
dence shall  be  faithfully  minuted.  The  Sentence 
shall  always  be  entered  at  large  on  the  record.  And 
all  the  Parties  shall  immediately  be  allowed  Copies 
of  the  testimony  and  Sentence,  and  of  the  whole 
proceedings,  if  they  demand  the  same." 

At  the  same  time  he  wrote  letters  to  Mr.  Taylor 
and  to  various  of  his  friends  among  the  church  mem- 
bers, bespeaking  the  serious  consideration  by  the 
Church  of  all  the  questions  treated  of  in  the  docu- 
ment. Two  church  meetings  were  held  on  the  sub- 
ject and  it  was  finally  voted  that  in  all  cases  of 
church  trials  "a  copy  of  the  record  of  such  trial 
shall,  if  requested,  be  given  to  the  person  tried." 
Accordingly  Mr.  de  Forest  received  a  copy  of  the 
church  record  of  his  trial,  but  the  other  copies,  of 

[79] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


New  York  votes,  etc.,  were  refused.  Meanwhile  he  had  written 
the  following  letter  to  his  former  pastor,  Rev.  Moses 
Stuart:  — 

Oct.  27th,  1 816. 
Events  have  taken  place  in  relation  to  my  having 
played  loo  at  New  York  in  the  year  1807  when  a  mem- 
ber of  the  Church  of  which  you  were  Pastor,  deeply 
interesting  to  my  own  Character,  to  the  cause  of  truth 
&  the  honor  of  religion.  The  regard  due  to  all  these 
considerations  impel  me  to  request  from  you  a  short 
statement  of  the  Manner  in  which  you  discharged  your 
duty  to  me,  on  that  lamented  Occasion,  the  reception 
by  me  of  your  kind  &  brotherly  reproof  and  how  the 
Subject  was  then  disposed  of. 

The  latter  sent  him  a  very  kindly  and  considerate 
answer  on  the  subject,  saying  that  he  had  thought 
at  the  time  that  Mr.  de  Forest's  confession  of  his 
fault  and  expression  of  contrition  were  amply  suffi- 
cient. He  then  proceeded  to  give  him  a  good  deal 
of  excellent  advice  —  advice  which  Lockwood  surely 
needed  and  by  which  it  is  to  be  hoped  he  profited. 

Andover,  Dec.  14,  1816. 
Dear  Sir: 

I  received  your  letter  to  me  in  N.  York  at  too  late  an 
hour  to  answer  it  there,  as  I  left  that  place  early  on 
Monday  morning.  At  New  Haven  I  conversed  with 
Mr.  Taylor  &  with  some  of  the  Chh.  on  the  subject  of 
the  letter.  I  have  no  doubt,  after  hearing  all  that  has 
been  said  on  both  sides,  that  there  has  been  some  real 
misunderstanding  between  both  parties;  on  the  one 

[80] 


The  Church  Trial 


side,  as  to  the  exact  state  of  facts;  &  on  the  other,  as    New  York 
to  the  views  &  motives  of  the  Chh. 

When  the  business  was  first  stated  to  me,  my  recol- 
lections of  it  were  faint  and  indistinct,  owing  to  the 
lapse  of  time,  &  to  the  fact  that  I  had  supposed  the 
matter  was  entirely  at  an  end.  Subsequent  conversa- 
tions have  revived  my  recollections,  and  I  will  now 
state  them  so  far  as  I  can  recal  them. 

I  remember  well,  when  I  first  stated  to  you  the  busi- 
ness of  playing  Loo  at  N.  York,  that  Capt.  Brintnall 
was  present.  It  was  near  his  house  or  shop.  When  first 
stated,  you  seem  to  hesitate  whether  you  had  done 
wrong,  &  alleged  that  Capt.  L.  who  you  believed  was 
a  very  good  man,  often  played  at  Loo.  If  I  recollect 
well,  we  parted  at  that  time,  without  obtaining  a  sat- 
isfactory answer  from  you.  I  knew  it  was  common  for 
men  to  justify  things  at  first,  on  being  charged  with 
them,  which  a  little  time  for  reflection  would  lead  them 
to  condemn,  &  presumed  this  would  be  the  fact  with 
you.  Thus  it  proved  to  be.  The  next  time  I  saw  you, 
you  made  an  ample,  &  to  me  a  satisfactory  confession 
of  your  fault,  &  expressed  your  regret  that  you  should 
have  given  occasion  to  the  enemies  of  religion  to  speak 
evil  of  it. 

I  then  told  you  that  you  must  say  to  other  members 
of  the  Chh.  who  were  acquainted  with  the  affair,  what 
you  had  said  to  me;  which  if  you  did,  I  doubted  not  the 
affair  would  stop  there.  I  was  knowing  at  the  time  to 
your  having  done  this  to  some.  I  remember  Mr.  Spring 
in  particular.  How  far  you  went  I  know  not.  I  did  sup- 
pose at  that  time,  that  the  whole  business  had  been 
settled  in  the  method  proposed.  But  near  the  time 
when  I  left  New  Haven  to  come  here,  Mr.  I.  Atwater 

[81  ] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


New  York  told  me  that  matter  was  not  yet  settled.  I  made  an- 
swer, that  I  had  supposed  it  to  be;  &  that  if  it  were 
not,  it  ought  to  be  without  delay;  that  the  brethren 
aggrieved  ought  to  go  to  you  &  tell  you  their  grievances 
&  give  you  an  opportunity  to  make  your  confession; 
that  you  could  not  tell  how  extensively  the  matter  was 
known  unless  they  did  so;  that  it  was  clearly  your  duty 
to  go  &  make  confession  where  you  knew  that  they 
were  acquainted  with  your  fault,  &  as  clear,  that  those 
who  knew  it,  ought  to  complain  to  you.  I  believe,  that 
in  this  conversation,  I  made  use  of  the  expression,  that 
"the  brethren  of  the  Chh.  who  were  unsatisfied  ought 
to  discipline  you,"  by  which  I  meant,  &  then  supposed 
I  was  understood  to  mean,  that  they  should  go  &  tell 
you  your  fault,  as  prescribed  in  the  gospel,  &  see 
whether  you  would  give  them  proper  satisfaction. 

This  is  all  I  recollect  or  know  of  the  matter  from  that 
day  to  this,  except  having  heard  that  there  was  a 
difficulty  between  you  &  the  Chh.  Mr.  Taylor,  I  be- 
lieve, once  mentioned  it  to  me.  The  particulars  I  never 
knew  before  lately. 

And  now,  my  dear  Sir,  without  partiality,  in  review 
of  all  which  I  have  seen  &  heard,  you  will  permit  me  to 
say,  that  in  this  affair,  I  think  you  are  much  too  warm. 
Your  passions  seem  to  be  too  much  enlisted.  I  know 
that  it  is  delicate;  that  it  cuts  deep.  But  this  is  no  good 
reason  for  charging  your  brethren  with  improper  mo- 
tives, &  with  a  design  to  oppress  &  degrade  you.  I  have 
not  a  question,  that  they  have  acted  conscientiously  in 
the  matter,  though  I  do  believe  that  they  have  been 
mistaken  in  their  views  of  it.  I  am  persuaded  that  the 
manner  in  which  you  have  sometimes  conversed  with 
them,  has  needlessly  provoked  them;  that  you  have 

[82] 


The  Church  Trial 


not  exercised  that  patience,  nor  at  all  times  that  humil-  New  York 
ity,  which  would  have  conciliated  &  softened.  I  think, 
unless  I  am  mistaken  in  you,  that  you  will  readily 
acknowledge  this.  If  so,  &  if  it  be  wrong  to  have  done 
thus,  why  not  say  it  to  them,  &  then  leave  it  to  them  to 
express  their  satisfaction,  &  to  do  away  your  difficulties. 
This  is  the  method  of  the  gospel.  Violence,  or  threats 
are  not  the  proper  method. 

You  will  say  that  I  bear  hard  upon  you  here.  A 
little  time  for  reflection,  however,  with  prayer  &  self- 
examination  will  justify  me  entirely  to  your  con- 
science, I  do  not  doubt.  I  do  believe,  your  manner  of 
treating  the  subject  has  been  wanting  in  softness  & 
humility;  while  I  still  think,  that  a  demand  of  a  public 
trial,  before  the  Chh.  or  a  renewal  of  the  matter,  in  the 
shape  of  direct  discipline  by  the  Chh.  after  so  long  a 
period,  was  the  result  of  incorrect  views  with  regard  to 
the  state  of  the  whole  business.  If  you,  indeed,  refused 
to  give, proper  satisfaction  to  any  individual,  who  had 
not  been  before  satisfied,  then  it  might  give  a  different 
face  to  the  thing.  But  I  should  think  that  an  individ- 
ual, who  had  put  off  requesting  satisfaction  for  so  long 
a  period,  ought  to  be  disciplined  for  negligence  &  un- 
faithfulness. No  complaint  is  allowed,  in  the  Presby- 
terian chh.  after  the  fact  has  been  known  three  years. 
There  ought  to  be  some  limits  for  the  peace  of  the 
chh.  But  this  ought  not  to  satisfy  the  individual  who 
has  done  wrong.  He  should  always  make  reparation 
quickly,  &  make  it  as  ample  as  the  wrong  is. 

I  am  satisfied  that  you  will  not  have  peace,  until  this 
matter  is  settled.  I  advise  to  a  settlement  without  de- 
lay. Do  all  that  your  conscience  tells  you  in  the  hour  of 
retirement  &  self  examination,  you  ought  to  do;  &  your 


[83  ] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


New  York  brethren  who  have  had  mistaken  views,  &  been  ag- 
grieved, I  am  sure  will  be  reconciled.  If  not,  let  not  the 
fault  be  yours. 

You  have  liberty  to  make  what  use  of  this  letter  you 
please,  only  provided  that  the  whole  of  it  shall  go  to- 
gether, so  that  no  extracts  may  seem  to  say  what  the 
whole  letter  does  not. 

My  apology  for  not  writing  sooner  was  the  utter 
impossibility  of  doing  it  before  on  the  ground  of  my 
vocations.  I  hope  most  sincerely  that  this  business 
will  come  to  an  immediate  close.  Nothing  will  now  pre- 
vent, but  an  improper  temper  on  one,  or  both  sides ;  at 
least,  if  the  statement  which  I  have  made  is  correct,  & 
is  believed.  It  is  possible  that  there  may  be  some  error 
in  it,  but  it  is  made  conscientiously  &  according  to  the 
best  of  my  recollection. 

Wishing  you  &  yours,  most  sincerely,  both  temporal 
&  eternal  blessings,  I  remain  dear  Sir, 

Your  friend  &  obedt.  Sert. 

Moses  Stuart. 

There  is  no  doubt  that  Lockwood  de  Forest's 
manner  of  treating  the  subject  had  been  "wanting 
in  softness  and  humility,"  and  neither  is  there  any 
doubt  that  his  former  pastor  was  right  in  saying, 
"  I  am  satisfied  that  you  will  not  have  peace  until 
this  matter  is  settled";  but  poor  Lockwood  was  so 
thoroughly  aroused  and  indignant  that  he  could 
not  make  up  his  mind  to  settle  the  matter  on  the 
terms  (unjust  as  he  considered  them)  demanded  by 
his  accusers. 

After  this  there  was  a  lull  for  a  number  of  years, 

[  84] 


The  Church  Trial 


although  the  matter  rankled  continually  in  Mr.  de  New  York 
Forest's  heart,  and  his  desire  for  justice  was  not 
appeased,  only  held  in  abeyance.  In  1827,  eleven 
years  after  the  church  trial,  the  Rev.  Leonard 
Bacon  being  then  pastor  of  the  First  Church,  Lock- 
wood  felt  that  this  new  and  unbiassed  mind  would 
judge  the  whole  matter  impartially  and  that  he 
might  now  succeed  in  having  the  much-desired  al- 
terations made  in  the  record.  He  prepared  a  still 
more  elaborate  Memorial  and  sent  it  to  the  First 
Church.  This  is  a  long  and  most  able  document,  the 
reasoning  very  close,  and  the  paper  an  excellent 
piece  of  writing.  He  rehearses  the  whole  subject  in 
detail,  and,  taking  up  each  of  the  nine  charges,  dis- 
cusses the  testimony  produced  regarding  each  one. 
He  then  proceeds  to  criticize  the  record  of  the  case, 
subdividing  his  criticism  into  five  "Principals"  and 
six  "Objections,"  and  also  pointing  out  the  numer- 
ous places  where  he  does  not  consider  that  the  con- 
clusions were  in  accordance  with  the  evidence,  and 
asking  that  even  at  this  late  date  justice  be  done 
him  by  reconsidering  the  whole  matter. 

This  Memorial  he  had  printed  in  pamphlet  form 
for  distribution  among  those  who  might  be  inter- 
ested, and  a  copy  still  exists  in  the  library  of  the  New 
Haven  Colony  Historical  Society. 

The  Standing  Committee  to  which  the  document 
was  referred  still  included  three  of  the  five  original 
members;  it  seems  rather  surprising  that  during  all 

[85] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


New  York  these  years  the  question  should  have  been  contin- 
ually placed  in  the  hands  of  the  same  men.  The 
report  of  the  Committee  was  as  follows :  — 

That  they  have  attended  to  the  matter  referred  to 
their  consideration,  &  that  Mr.  De  Forest  has  been 
before  them,  and  was  fully  heard  on  his  Memorial. 
The  Committee  think  it  not  expedient,  after  so  many 
years  as  have  elapsed  since  the  proceedings  in  the  case 
of  Mr.  De  Forest  to  alter  the  record  of  those  proceed- 
ings, unless  some  important  interest  of  truth  or  justice 
manifestly  requires  it.  They  submit  to  the  considera- 
tion of  the  Church  whether  any  such  interest  exists  in 
the  case  in  question.  On  this  point  the  Committee  are 
divided  in  their  opinion. 

Arguments  and  testimony  are  no  necessary  &  usu- 
ally no  very  important  part  of  the  record  of  a  case.  If 
given  briefly,  the  record  is  liable  to  the  objection,  actu- 
ally made  in  the  Memorial  before  us,  of  presenting  an 
imperfect  view  of  the  case,  and  of  leading  to  inferences 
which  a  full  and  detailed  statement  would  preclude. 
Such  a  statement  would  have  extended  the  record,  in 
this  case,  to  a  very  inconvenient  length,  and  imposed 
upon  the  recorder  a  labour,  which  could  not  be  reason- 
ably expected  or  required  of  him.  The  record  in  ques- 
tion contains  a  brief  and  somewhat  incomplete  state- 
ment of  the  arguments,  and  testimony  exhibited  on  the 
trial.  If  the  Church  should  think  proper  to  alter  this 
record,  the  Committee  are  unanimous  in  the  opinion 
that  the  only  alteration  necessary  or  proper  to  be  made, 
respects  this  statement  of  the  arguments  &  testimony, 
and  a  vote  subsequently  passed  explanatory  of  a  part  of 
the  record;  and  accordingly  they  recommend  that,  if 

[  86] 


The  Church  Trial 


anything  is  done,  all  which  follows  the  words  "  the  year  New  York 
1809"  to  the  words  "with  respect  to  the  third  charge"; 
all  of  which  follows  the  words  "  the  crime  "  to  the  words 
"after  investigating";  all  of  which  follows  the  words 
"upon  them"  to  the  words  "the  Church  voted";  and 
all  that  follows  the  words  "second  charge"  to  the 
words  "  church  voted  " ;  &  the  vote  subsequently  passed 
by  the  Church  explanatory  of  the  record  of  part  of  the 
proceedings,  Feb.  12,  18 16,  be  expunged  from  the  rec- 
ord, and  that  then  be  added  after  the  words  "to  de- 
cide upon  them"  the  words  "with  respect  to  the  first 
charge."  All  of  which  is  respectfully  submitted. 
Jan.  19,  1827. 

S.  Twining. 


N.  Whiting. 

SCOVIL   HlNMAN.^ 

A  true  copy.    ?L_  Bacon_ 

Jan.  26,  1827.) 


Standing  Committee. 


The  original  record  of  the  church  trial  is  now  given 
with  the  addition  of  the  vote  taken  a  year  later 
(about  January  13,  18 17).  The  curtailed  record  is 
also  shown  and  it  will  thus  be  seen  that  the  Com- 
mittee followed  literally 'one  of  Mr.  de  Forest's  sug- 
gestions and  answered  each  of  the  only  three  charges 
mentioned,  by  simply  stating,  "Proved"  or  "Not 
Proved." 

Copy  of  the  record  made  by  Mr.  Taylor  of  My  trial 
before  the  Church. 

Feby.  12,  18 16.  The  Church  met  by  motion  from 
the  Pastor.  Complaint  was  brought  against  Lockwood 

[  87] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


New  York  DeForest  a  member  of  this  Church,  1st  for  having  Vir- 
tually denied  the  Obligation  of  Custom  House  Oaths. 
2d  for  having  criminally  Violated  the  Sabbath  in  load- 
ing a  Vessel  on  that  day,  &  3d  for  having  played  at 
cards  at  New  York  in  the  year  1809. 

With  respect  to  the  first  Charge  it  was  testified  by 
One  Witness  that  Mr.  De  Forest  said  at  the  Custom 
house  (when  the  Witness  refused  to  sign  a  Manifest  of 
a  Vessels  cargo  because  he  considered  it  as  not  contain- 
ing a  true  &  just  account  of  said  Cargo)  that  he  would 
not  give  a  fig  or  a  straw,  for  a  man  who  cared  anything 
for  a  custom  house  Oath.  Others  who  were  present  did 
not  remember  to  have  heard  Mr.  DeForest  say  this. 

In  loading  the  Vessel,  Mr.  DeForest  supposed 
himself  justified  by  the  following  facts  which  were 
proved, 

(Viz.)  that  the  flour  with  which  the  Vessel  was 
loaded,  was  in  a  degree  sour  &  not  saleable  in  this 
market,  that  an  embargo  law  was  expected  to  be  in 
operation  before  the  following  Monday,  that  thus  the 
exportation  of  the  flour  would  be  impracticable  and 
that  therefore  a  great  loss  would  be  sustained  by  keep- 
ing the  flour  on  hand,  that  the  flour  belonged  to  a 
house  in  New  York,  and  that  one  of  the  Owners  di- 
rected it  to  be  shipped  at  that  time. 

With  respect  to  the  third  charge,  he  acknowledged 
the  fact  &  the  crime,  and  said  that  he  had  always  done 
so  to  those  bretheren  who  had  ever  said  any  thing  to 
him  on  the  Subject  &  particularly  to  the  former  pastor 
of  the  Church.  It  was  testified  by  One  Witness  who 
heard  the  conversation  with  the  former  Pastor,  that 
Mr.  De  Forest  made  no  acknowledgement  to  him,  but 
attempted  to  justify  his  conduct  and  it  did  not  appear 


[88  ] 


The  Church  Trial 


that  he  had  done  so  to  any  one  until  within  a  few  days  New  York 
previous  to  this  meeting.  After  investigating  these 
charges  the  Church  proceeded  to  decide  on  them.  As 
there  was  but  one  Witness  to  support  the  first  charge 
it  was  said  that  it  could  not  be  considered  as  proved. 
It  was  said  however  that  such  were  the  circumstances 
which  the  Witness  related  that  it  was  reasonable  to 
suppose  that  he  was  not  mistaken.  The  Church 
Voted  that  this  charge  was  not  substantiated. 

With  respect  to  the  second  charge,  it  was  supposed 
by  many  of  the  bretheren,  that  the  Act  of  loading  the 
Vessel  was  completely  justified  by  the  circumstances 
and  that  the  Gospel  Authorises  labour  on  the  Sabbath 
to  prevent  the  loss  of  property.  Others  supposed  that 
this  reason  could  not  justify  in  this  instance;  for  that 
the  labour  was  not  to  save  property  from  being  provi- 
dentially lost  but  merely  to  gain  a  higher  price  for  the 
flour  than  would  probably  otherwise  be  obtained,  and 
that  the  crime  demanded  a  public  confession.  The 
Church  Voted  that  this  charge  was  not  substantiated. 

The  only  question  concerning  the  third  charge  was 
whether  the  offence  demanded  a  public  confession.  It 
was  thought  by  some  that  this  ought  not  to  be  required 
because  so  long  a  time  had  elapsed  since  the  offence  had 
been  committed  and  because  Mr.  De  Forest  now  ap- 
peared willing  to  confess  the  crime  to  any  who  should 
give  him  an  opportunity  to  do  so.  On  the  other  hand  it 
was  supposed  that  as  the  crime  was  publicly  known,  no 
evidence  of  repentance  could  be  furnished  without  a 
public  confession.  On  this  question,  when  the  vote  was 
taken  the  Church  was  exactly  divided  in  opinion. 
Yeas  14  Nays  14. 

Mr.  De  Forest  having  removed  to  New  York,  and 


[89] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


New  York    having  applied   for  a  certificate  of  recommendation, 
the  Church  Voted  to  grant  it  and  adjourned. 

Nath.  W.  Taylor,  Pastor. 
Attest 

The  above  is  a  true  copy  of  the  record  of  the  Church. 

N.  W.  Taylor,  Pastor. 

New  Haven,  Jan.  13th,  1817. 
Mr.  De  Forest, 

Sir: 

The  Church  [with]  which  you  was  formerly  con- 
nected requested  me  to  communicate  to  you  the  fol- 
lowing vote  passed  at  their  last  meeting. 

Voted,  that  this  Church  in  their  record  of  Feby.  12th, 
1 816,  mean  not  to  declare  that  Mr.  De  Forest  was  ac- 
quited  of  the  first  charge  merely  on  the  ground  that 
there  was  only  one  witness  to  support  it,  but  that  it 
is  now  their  opinion,  that  many,  perhaps  most  of  the 
brethren,  while  they  had  perfect  confidence  in  the 
veracity  of  the  witness,  supposed  that  he  did  not 
rightly  apprehend  the  meaning  of  Mr.  De  Forest,  and 
that  altho  Mr.  De  Forest  might  have  used  some  such 
expression  as  the  witness  stated,  yet  that  he  did  not 
mean  by  it  to  deny  the  obligation  of  a  custom  house 
oath.  A  true  copy. 

N.  W.  Taylor,  Pastor. 

Copy  of  record  as  curtailed  by  vote  of  January  13, 1827 
As  it  still  appears  on  the  "  Minutes  of  the  Meetings  of 

Centre  Church." 

February  12,  1816.  Complaint  was  brought  against 
Lockwood  De  Forest  a  member  of  this  Church:  1st 
of  having  Virtually  denied  the  obligation  of  Custom 

[90] 


The  Church  Trial 


house  Oaths.    2nd  for  having  criminally  Violated  the    New  York 
Sabbath  in  loading  a  Vessel  on  that  day  &  3rd  for  hav- 
ing played  at  cards  at  New  York  in  the  year  1809.  .  .  . 

With  respect  to  the  third  charge,  he  acknowledged 
the  fact  and  the  crime.  .  .  .  After  investigating  these 
charges  the  Church  proceeded  to  decide  upon  them.  .  .  . 
[With  respect  to  the  first  charge]  the  Church  Voted 
that  this  charge  was  not  substantiated. 

With  respect  to  the  second  charge  ...  the  Church 
Voted  that  this  charge  was  not  substantiated, 

The  only  question  concerning  the  third  charge  was 
whether  the  offense  demanded  a  public  confession.  It 
was  thought  by  some  that  this  ought  not  to  be  required 
because  so  long  a  time  had  elapsed  since  the  offence 
had  been  committed  and  because  Mr.  De  Forest  now 
appeared  willing  to  confess  the  crime  to  any  who  should 
give  him  the  opportunity  to  do  so.  On  the  other  hand 
it  was  supposed  that  as  the  crime  was  publicly  known, 
no  evidence  of  repentance  could  be  furnished  without  a 
public  confession.  On  this  question  when  1  vote  was 
taken  the  church  was  exactly  divided  in  opinion  — 
Yeas  14,  Nays  14. 

The  new  pastor  immediately  forwarded  the  de- 
cision to  Mr.  de  Forest  and  also  copies  of  the  less 
important  records  — votes,  etc.  —  for  which  he  had 
asked;  but  the  latter  was  still  unsatisfied.  He  had 
been  tried  on  nine  charges  and  of  them  only  three 
had  been  mentioned  in  the  record,  while  he  knew 
that  he  had  in  reality  been  acquitted  on  all  the 
others.  He  had  offered  to  make  the  required  public 
"Confession"  regarding  the  loading  of  the  vessel 

[91  ] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


New  York  on  Saturday  night  —  the  only  discipline  assigned 
by  the  Standing  Committee  —  but  had  been  unable 
to  do  so  owing  to  the  (as  he  felt)  impossible  condi- 
tions imposed  by  his  accusers.  He  had  perforce  to 
accept  the  new  decision  and  let  the  matter  rest, 
but  it  left  him  an  unhappy  and  embittered  man, 
bearing,  as  he  thought,  an  unmerited  stigma  which 
he  now  felt  it  would  be  impossible  ever  to  remove. 
He  brooded  over  this  injustice  continually. 

In  1846,  only  two  years  before  his  death  and  over 
thirty  years  after  the  time  of  his  first  trial,  he  hap- 
pened to  meet  the  Rev.  N.  W.  Taylor  on  the  New 
Haven  boat.  His  former  pastor  made  the  first  ad- 
vance and  they  had  a  long  and  intimate  talk,  during 
which  neither  of  them  retreated  from  his  former 
position,  but  in  which  a  feeling  of  conciliation  was 
shown  on  both  sides.  Shortly  afterward  the  follow- 
ing letters,  which  will  explain  themselves,  passed 
between  them. 

N.Y.,  June  I2;  1846. 
Rev.  Dr.  Taylor, 
Dear  Sir: 

After  the  declaration  you  made  to  me  at  our  late 
interview,  it  would  seem  almost  hopeless  on  my  part  to 
expect  that  any  good  to  either  of  us  or  to  the  Cause  of 
Christ  would  be  produced  by  an  attempt  on  either  side, 
to  reconcile  our  old  dificulties  and  restore  that  cordial 
harmony  &  friendship  which  once  so  hapily  existed 
between  us.  As  preliminary,  however,  to  such  a  pos- 
sibility, and  on  my  part  to  open  the  door  to  its  ac- 

[9H 


The  Church  Trial 


complishment,  I  beg  leave  to  state  that  I  have  in  your    New  York 
own  hand  writing  the  Confession  I  was  to  make  in 
compliance  with  the  decission  of  the  Commt.,  before 
whom  I  was  tried. 

I  have  also  a  written  statement  of  yours  in  which  you 
informed  me  my  accusors  &  a  Witness  would  consent  to 
accept  the  confession  which  you  showed  them. 

I  have  likewise  copies  of  two  letters  written  you  on 
the  day  the  above  transaction  took  place,  which  was 
on  the  Saturday  previous  to  your  notifying  the  Church 
meeting  &  bringing  me  to  a  second  trial  before  the 
church  at  large,  on  the  same  charges  and  from  the  same 
accusors. 

The  above  letters  you  have,  or  (I  may  say)  ought  to 
have  in  your  possession,  &  to  them  I  refer  you  only 
remarking  that  the  last  one  was  written  &  sent  to  you 
on  the  evening  previous  to  your  calling  the  Church 
meeting  as  above  stated,  and  at  the  close  of  which  to 
make  it  more  emphatic  &  unmistakable  on  your  part  I 
added  to  it  the  following  postscript:  "Viz:  P.S. :  —  I  do 
not  object  to  making  the  confession  drawn  up  by  Mr. 
Taylor  as  a  full  &  sattisfactory  compliance  with  the 
decision  of  the  Committee  on  the  subject  of  a  breach  of 
Sabbath  under  the  circumstances  as  proposed  by  him." 

I  forbear  any  comments  or  remarks  on  the  above 
mentioned  papers  &  letters,  because  from  the  declara- 
tions you  made  to  me  at  our  late  interview  there  may 
be  a  posibility  that  the  facts  now  communicated  may 
not  convince  you  of  the  great  error  under  which  you 
have  so  long  labored,  and  I  have  so  long  &  so  painfully 
suffered. 

And  if  so,  allow  me  to  reciprocate  (as  I  know  not 
when  I  may,  if  ever  visit  N.H.)  the  invitation  you  so 

[93] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


New  York  kindly  gave  me  to  call  on  you  when  at  N.  Haven  by 
inviting  you  to  visit  me  for  a  day  or  two  at  my  house  & 
look  for  yourself  at  the  papers  &  letters  above  refered 
to,  with  the  assurance  on  my  part  that  you  will  be 
received  and  treated  with  respect  &  kindness. 

And  in  the  exercise  of  such  a  spirit  as  we  ought  to 
possess  I  should  hope  the  feelings  of  each  might  be  soft- 
ened and  results  follow  which  would  serve  to  restore  the 
friendship  &  intercourse  which  once  existed  between  us. 
Very  Resp.  Yr.  Obt.  Sert. 

L.  De  Forest. 

New  Haven,  June  16,  1846. 
My  Dear  Sir: 

Yours  of  the  12th  was  duly  received;  to  which  an 
earlier  answer  has  been  prevented  by  want  of  leisure. 
In  respect  to  your  proposal  to  review,  to  some  extent, 
the  facts  of  the  case,  &  in  this  way,  to  adjust  the  diffi- 
culties between  us,  I  entertain  the  same  opinion  which 
I  expressed  to  you  last  Saturday.  From  such  an  at- 
tempt, I  do  not  think,  that  any  good  would  result.  It 
can  hardly  be  supposed,  that  after  so  long  an  interval 
has  elapsed,  we  should  agree  in  the  facts  on  which 
an  equitable  adjustment  would  depend.  For  a  long 
time,  I  have  very  much  dropped  the  subject  from  my 
thoughts  believing  it  to  be  hopeless  for  me  to  attempt 
to  convince  you  that  my  views  of  the  case  were  right, 
and  that  I  had  acted  from  a  conscientious  regard  to 
duty  in  the  whole  transaction.  With  the  full  convic- 
tion of  the  justness  of  my  own  views  &  motives,  &  sup- 
posing as  full  a  conviction  of  the  contrary  on  your  part, 
I  was  led  to  suppose  that  there  was  no  prospect  of 
restoring  the  friendship  that  once  subsisted  between 
us.   Entertaining  however  no  feelings  of  personal  un- 

[94] 


The  Church  Trial 


kindness  towards  you,  I  had  often  thought,  especially  New  York 
since  the  change  in  the  record  of  the  Church,  that 
should  a  favorable  opportunity  occur  for  conversation 
with  you,  and  an  attempt  at  reconciliation,  I  would  not 
be  backward  to  improve  it,  knowing  that  many  things 
are  possible,  which  seem  highly  improbable.  Accord- 
ingly, when  I  met  you  in  the  boat  on  Saturday,  I 
sought  the  interview,  which  we  had.  My  design,  as  I 
then  told  you,  was  not  to  review  the  facts  of  the  case, 
either  wholly  or  partially.  My  hope  was,  that  you,  who 
felt  yourself  to  be  the  injured  person,  might,  in  the 
present  circumstances  of  the  case,  and  on  the  assurance 
from  me,  that  I  had  never  acted  from  any  feelings  of 
personal  unkindness  to  you,  &  that  I  entertained  no 
such  feelings  now,  be  willing  to  forget  &  forgive,  to 
overlook  what  you  had  deemed  errors  or  unkindness 
on  my  part,  and  that  thus,  a  reconciliation  between  us 
might  be  effected.  This,  you  will  allow  me  to  say,  is, 
in  my  view,  the  only  way  in  which  we  can  reasonably 
hope  to  accomplish  the  object  proposed  in  this  world. 
In  this  way,  I  sincerely  desire  that  it  may  be  accom- 
plished. As  I  proposed  in  our  late  conversation,  so  I 
now  propose,  that  knowing  our  own  imperfection  & 
liability  to  err,  we  overlook,  what  we  deem  wrong  in 
the  past;  &  let  the  assurance  from  each  to  the  other,  of 
present  good  will,  &  feelings  of  kindness,  be  the  basis 
of  reconciliation  &  future  friendship. 

Should  it  be  in  my  power  at  any  future  time  to  call 
on  you  &  your  family,  I  shall  be  happy  to  do  so,  as  well 
as  happy  to  see  you  at  my  house  &  elsewhere. 
Respectfully  your  obdt.  servt., 

Nath.  W.  Taylor 
Mr.  L.  de  Forest. 


[9S] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


New  York  New  York,  June  30,  1846. 

Rev.  Dr.  Taylor, 
Dear  Sir: 

Sattisfied  that  our  present  correspondence  is  not 
likely  to  restore  that  harmony  between  us,  which  I  will 
not  doubt  both  desire,  it  strikes  me  there  is  one  way, 
which  if  approved  &  advocated  by  you,  would  I  trust 
not  only  secure  that  object,  but  be  cheerfully  adopted 
by  the  present  Pastor  of  that  Ch.  as  well  as  every 
member  of  it  who  survives  the  memory,  or  took  part 
in  those  transactions,  as  well  as  honorable  to  the 
memory  and  gratifying  to  the  friends  of  those  who  are 

departed. 

And  that  is  to  put  out  of  existence  all  that  relates  to 
those  unhappy  transactions,  both  in  regard  to  ourselves 
&  the  Church,  including  all  our  correspondence,  and 
all  the  documents  which  I  possess  (about  forty  in  num- 
ber) in  relation  to  my  two  trials  &c.  &o,  and  all  the 
records  and  documents  on  file  &  in  possession  of  the 
Church. 

I  cannot  believe  there  is  a  single  member  of  that  Ch. 
living  who  would  not  rejoice  to  adopt  this  course.  Nor 
do  I  believe  there  is  a  single  one  of  our  departed  breth- 
eren,  who  would  not  (if  alive)  most  heartily  unite  in 
such  a  measure.  The  manner  in  which  this  may  be 
accomplished,  both  honorably  and  sumarily  by  the  Ch. 
could  readily  be  arranged  &  consumated  by  a  simple 
resolution,  based  if  you  please  on  my  dismission  &c. 
or  some  other  as  deemed  proper  and  thus  the  Seal  of 
Oblivion  put  upon  all  that  has  passed  between  us,  and 
on  the  part  of  the  Church,  and  a  friendly  future  inter- 
course be  re-established  between  us.  All  this  is  in  your 
power  to  accomplish.  Will  you  then  unite  your  efforts 

[96] 


The  Church  Trial 


with  mine  to  accomplish  an  end  so  desirable?   If  so  it    New  York 
will  meet  my  cheerfull  concurence. 

I  am 

Very  respectfully  yours  &c, 

L.  D. 

New  Haven,  July  8,  1846. 
My  Dear  Sir: 

I  could  not  conveniently  obtain  an  interview  with 
Mr.  Bacon  on  the  subject  of  your  letter  until  last  even- 
ning.  I  acquainted  him  with  your  proposition  in  regard 
to  the  record  &c.  and  assured  him,  that  I  had  no  ob- 
jection, that  everything  on  record  or  on  file  should  be 
wholly  obliterated.  On  the  contrary,  that  I  was  willing 
to  attend  a  meeting  of  the  Church,  and  say  this  to 
them,  if  that  should  be  deemed  expedient  or  desirable. 
He  was  entirely  ready  to  take  the  subject  into  consid- 
eration; but  has  not  as  yet  laid  it  before  the  Church. 
This  is  the  present  state  of  the  matter,  which  I  have 
thought  proper  to  communicate  at  this  time,  because 
I  thought  that  you  would  expect  to  hear  even  before 
this,  what  my  views  of  the  subject  were.  I  will,  as  soon 
as  may  be,  inform  you  of  the  doings  of  the  Church. 
Respectfully  yours  &c, 

Nath.  W.  Taylor. 

Mr.  L.  de  Forest. 

Lockwood's  proposition  was  probably  a  wise  one, 
for  so  long  as  he  in  his  letter  to  Mr.  Taylor  could 
still  allude  to  "  the  great  error  under  which  you  have 
so  long  labored"  and  Mr.  Taylor  in  his  reply  could 
still  speak  of  his  "full  conviction  of  the  justness  of 
my  own  views,"  there  was  little  hope  of  a  complete 

[97] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


New  York  reconciliation  between  them.  We  do  not  know  what 
really  happened  in  the  matter.  The  church  records 
are  silent,  and  those  who  could  tell  us  are  no  longer 
where  we  can  ask  them.  Perhaps  the  church  mem- 
bers who  were  in  control  thought  it  better  to  keep 
the  church  books  as  they  were  and  not  to  reopen 
the  affair  even  to  the  extent  of  sanctioning  a  de- 
struction of  the  records.  We  shall  never  know. 

Lockwood  de  Forest's  forty  documents  are  still 
neatly  docketed  and  labelled  in  his  handwriting  — 
"Docs,  relating  to  my  Prosecution  Lock.  De  For- 
est "  —  and  the  church  records  remain  in  their  cur- 
tailed form  as  amended  in  January,  1817. 

Apart  from  the  more  apparent  interest  of  the 
record,  it  is  curious  to  reflect  how  simple  were  the 
moral  issues  which  could  so  agitate  a  community  in 
Lockwood's  day.  Our  own  problems  of  business  and 
personal  ethics,  where  they  touch  upon  the  questions 
of  religious  and  moral  responsibility,  have  become 
so  complex  and  profound  that  it  amazes  us  to  be 
reminded  that  the  loading  of  a  ship  on  the  Sabbath 
and  the  playing  of  a  friendly  card  game  were  once 
the  storm  centres  of  a  moral  controversy. 

De  Forest  iff  Son  Shipping  Merchants 

When  Lockwood  de  Forest  in  the  fall  of  1815 
moved  to  New  York,  the  city  contained  about  one 
hundred  thousand  inhabitants.  His  first  residence 
there,  as  has  been  said,  was  rather  far  out  in  the 

[98  ] 


De  Forest  &  Son  Shipping  Merchants 

country  in  what  was  then  known  as  Greenwich  Vil-  New  York 
lage.  Here  he  occupied  a  house  on  Milligan  Lane. 
Many  city  streets  have  been  opened  in  the  vicinity 
since  that  time  and  Milligan  Lane  has  disappeared; 
but  it  ran  in  a  diagonal  line  southwest  from  what 
is  now  the  corner  of  Sixth  Avenue  and  Eleventh 
Street,  so  that  for  many  years  after  the  new  streets 
were  laid  out,  the  house  stood  on  a  wedge-shaped 
plot  of  land  facing  toward  the  southwestern  angle 
of  the  two  streets. 

Greenwich  Village  was  a  place  with  considerable 
individuality.  Even  after  the  big  city  grew  out  to 
it  and  surrounded  it,  the  little  community  held  to- 
gether and  the  young  people  courted  among  them- 
selves and  intermarried. 

Our  interest  centres  particularly  in  a  courtship 
among  the  people  of  whom  we  have  heard  so  much. 
The  first  romance  in  the  Lockwood  de  Forest  family 
was  between  Daniel  Lord,  Jr.,  and  his  sweetheart, 
Susan,  Mr.  de  Forest's  second  daughter.  Young 
Daniel  had  fallen  in  love  with  Susan  in  New  Haven 
when  he  was  a  Yale  student  and  she  was  only  four- 
teen years  old.  After  she  came  to  live  in  Greenwich 
Village  he  continued  to  pay  her  devoted  attentions, 
though  this  was  more  difficult  than  in  the  New 
Haven  days;  for  he  now  lived  with  his  family  at 
"Old  Slip"  (near  Hanover  Square  and  Pearl  Street), 
which  was  very  far  away.  But  Love  smiles  at  dif- 
ficulties, as  we  know,  and  when  Daniel  wished  to 

[99] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


Nm  York  call  on  Susan,  he  thought  nothing  of  making  the 
long  trip  on  horseback.  Susan  was  always  in  a  state 
of  great  anxiety  lest  he  be  attacked  by  footpads  in 
the  lanes  and  dark  roads  through  which  he  must  pass 
on  his  way  home,  but  he  never  came  to  any  harm, 
and  the  love  affair  prospered. 

In  the  fall  of  1816  Lockwood  took  another  house, 
No.  7  Roosevelt  Street,  near  Chatham  Square,  and 
moved  "in  town"  early  in  October.  At  about  the 
same  time  he  sent  his  son  George,  then  ten  years  old, 
to  board  with  Mr.  Samuel  Rowland,  one  of  Lock- 
wood's  former  neighbors  at  Fairfield,  and  the  latter 
was  told  to  "keep  a  stern  hand  with  him,  and  let 
him  know  his  place."  An  instructor  was  to  be  pro- 
vided and  George  was  to  pursue  the  ordinary  studies 
for  boys  of  his  age,  but  it  was  not  thought  that  his 
former  taste  for  study  warranted  a  "liberal  educa- 
tion." Such  an  education  was  an  expensive  luxury 
for  a  man  in  Mr.  de  Forest's  circumstances,  espe- 
cially as  there  were  now  ten  children  to  be  provided 
for.  Wheeler  had  gone  to  sea  when  he  was  only 
seventeen  years  old  and  had  got  on  very  well  with- 
out much  learning  —  in  fact,  he  had  become  a  well- 
informed  and  well-read  man  through  his  own  exer- 
tions —  so  why  could  not  the  second  son,  when  his 
father  had  so  many  other  uses  for  his  money,  do 
as  well  ? 

George  had  been  at  Fairfield  scarcely  a  month 
when  he  wrote  to  his  father  that  his  money  was  all 

[   IO°  ] 


De  Forest  &  Son  Shipping  Merchants 

gone !  The  latter  answered  that  he  was  very  sorry,  New  York 
"  but  it  cant  be  helpt  now  —  it  is  gone !  I  can  send 
you  no  more ! "  By  way  of  emphasizing  the  lesson, 
he  added,  "Now  you  cant  pay  for  postages  [at  that 
time  not  prepaid]  and  so  none  of  us  can  write  you, 
only  once  in  a  great  while."  He  also  begged  his 
ten-year-old  son  to  "be  above  childish  play"  and 
to  become  an  eminent  scholar.  "You  are  now  out  of 
reach  of  that  daily  admonition,  you  used  to  receive 
from  your  tender  Mother,  dont  forget  it  therefore." 
George  never  did  forget  it  and  was  ever  a  most 
thoughtful  and  devoted  son. 

In  return  for  Mr.  Rowland's  care  of  George,  Mr. 
de  Forest  promised  to  look  after  Mr.  Rowland's  son, 
Henry,  and  his  studies  in  New  York.  It  is  hardly 
likely,  though,  that  he  was  able  with  his  large  family 
to  take  Henry  into  his  own  home. 

Shortly  after  the  move  to  Roosevelt  Street  in 
1816,  little  Alfred,  the  youngest  of  the  family  and 
at  that  time  only  three  years  old,  sickened  and  died. 
This  was  the  first  break  in  the  family  circle  and  it  was 
a  great  sorrow  to  the  child's  brothers  and  sisters, 
as  well  as  to  the  parents.  The  baby  died  on  New 
Year's  Eve,  and  Susan  and  Eliza  went  out  in  the 
yard  afterward  and  walked  in  the  moonlight  talk- 
ing of  their  little  brother.  Eliza  was  fifteen  years 
old  at  that  time,  but  when,  as  an  old  lady  of  seventy- 
six,  she  was  looking  at  the  Christmas  moon  with  one 
of  her  brothers,  she  told  him  of  this  incident,  and 

[  '°i] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


New  York  added  that  she  never  saw  the  moon  at  that  time 
of  year  but  that  she  "  half  wondered  whether  it  was 
the  same  moon  she  had  then  looked  upon." 

The  following  August  another  baby  boy  made 
his  appearance  —  Frederick  Lockwood,  ist  —  but  he 
stayed  with  his  parents  only  about  a  year.  These 
two  little  boys  were  the  only  children  whom  Me- 
hetabel  and  Lockwood  de  Forest  ever  lost.  All  the 
rest  of  their  fourteen  children  lived  to  maturity 
and  all  married  except  their  eldest  son,  Wheeler. 

The  first  wedding  in  the  family  took  place  on 
September  25,  18 17,  when  Mary,  the  eldest  daugh- 
ter, was  married  to  Roger  Sherman  Skinner  of  New 
Haven,  grandson  of  Roger  Sherman,  the  signer  of 
the  Declaration  of  Independence,  and  the  young 
people  went  to  live  in  New  Haven  with  Mr.  Skin- 
ner's parents.  This  match  was  considered  a  very 
brilliant  one  for  Mary. 

Only  eight  months  later,  on  May  16,  18 18,  Susan 
was  married  to  Daniel  Lord,  Jr.  One  of  her  daugh- 
ters  gives  an  amusing  account  of  the  circumstances 
connected  with  this  wedding. 

r  Within  a  week  of  the  time  set  for  Susan  de  Forest's 
marriage,  some  friend  made  a  personal  remark  at  which 
Susan  took  great  offence.  She  insisted  that  she  would 
not  ask  the  offender  to  the  wedding,  declaring, "  I  won't, 
I  won't  invite  her!"  Now  the  lady  in  question  was 
closely  connected  with  the  family,  so  that  it  was  impos- 
sible to  invite  even  a  few  friends  without  inviting  her. 

[    I02   ] 


De  Forest  8c  Son  Shipping  Merchants 

Daniel  Lord  came  to  talk  it  over  with  the  irate  young  New  York 
girl,  but,  making  no  impression,  finally  asked,  "Will 
you  leave  it  to  your  mother  and  me  to  decide?"  She 
acquiesced.  He  then  went  to  Susan's  mother  and  after 
discussion  they  decided  that  the  wedding  should  take 
place  that  evening  —  a  Saturday —  and  that  only  the 
immediate  members  of  the  family  should  be  present. 

When  Daniel  proposed  it  to  Susan,  she  said,  "Why, 
I  can't  be  married  —  I  have  no  wedding  dress!"  He 
retorted,  "Is  not  any  dress  in  which  you  are  married 
your  wedding  dress?"  So  she  consented  to  wear  an 
ordinary  white  dress. 

Mr.  Lord  then  went  to  Wheeler  de  Forest  and  said, 
"  I  want  you  to  go  for  Dr.  Spring,  Susan  and  I  are  going 
to  be  married  to-night!"  Wheeler  exclaimed,  "Why, 
it  is  raining  great  guns,"  but  the  bridegroom,  nothing 
daunted,  answered,  "I  don't  expect  to  be  married  out- 
of-doors." 

Mrs.  de  Forest  wanted  to  give  the  young  couple  the 
room  which  Aunt  Betsey  was  then  occupying,  and  said, 
"Betsey,  get  your  room  ready  —  Susan  is  going  to  be 
married  to-night."  Aunt  Betsey  commenced  to  cry. 
"Stop  your  crying  and  get  your  room  ready,"  said  her 
sister-in-law. 

So  Daniel  and  Susan  were  married  that  night  and 
attended  the  Brick  Church  the  next  day,  where  no  one 
knew  that  they  were  man  and  wife,  and  on  Monday 
they  started  on  their  honeymoon.  Later  they  came 
back  and  were  given  a  fine  reception,  at  which  the  bride 
wore  a  beautiful  wedding  dress. 

The  New  York  Directory,  published  in  July,  1817, 
shows  that  the  family  were  then  living  at  150  Cherry 

[    io3   ] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


New  York   Street,  but  in  June,  1818,  we  find  that  they  had 

again  moved  and  were  located  at  30  Oliver  Street. 

In  this  house  Mr.  de  Forest's  youngest  daughter, 

Louisa,  was  born  on  August  20,  18 18. 

Only  two  years  later  another  move,  still  in  the 

same  neighborhood,  was  made,   to  82   Frankfort 

Street.   In  this  house  the  family  lived  for  four  years 

and  while  there  little  Louisa,  then  two  years  old, 

nearly  lost  her  life  in  the  garden  of  her  mother's 

house.  Her  father  immediately  wrote  to  tell  George 

about  it. 

July  14,  1820. 
Dear  George  — 

Your  dear  little  sister  Louisa  is  spared,  &  is  now  well 
—  yet  yesterday  morning  she  was  for  near  half  an  hour 
supposed  to  be  beyond  the  hope  of  being  restored  to 
life. 

Your  Mama  was  with  her  in  the  chamber,  &  all  at 
once  missed  her,  went  down  &  could  not  find  her  in  the 
lower  rooms  —  saw  the  cistern  open  &  looking  down 
saw  her  floating  on  the  water  —  an  alarm  was  given  & 
a  young  man  was  let  down  by  the  hands  of  others  & 
caught  her  by  the  feet  &  brought  her  out  apparently 
dead.  But  after  the  usual  applications  for  a  few  min- 
utes signs  of  life  appeared,  and  through  the  mercy  of 
God  she  was  restored  and  is  now  as  well  as  ever. 

I  trust  dear  George  your  heart  will  unite  with  ours, 
in  deep  felt  gratitude  to  God  for  his  sparing  mercy,  so 
signally  manifested  toward  your  little  sister.  .  .  . 

You  know  our  Cistern  holds  30  Hhd.  &  it  had 
nearly  8  feet  water  in  it.  When  caught  she  was  2  or  3 
feet  under  water. 


[   IQ4  ] 


De  Forest  &  Son  Shipping  Merchants 

Not  many  days  after  this,  on  August  3,  1820,  an-  New  York 
other  son,  Henry  Grant,  was  born.  This  youngster 
came  into  the  world  with  two  nephews  —  sons  of 
Mrs.  Skinner  and  Mrs.  Lord  —  already  there  to 
greet  him.  He  was  born  about  two  years  after 
"Aunt  Betsey"  came  to  live  with  her  brother  Lock- 
wood,  and  the  new  baby  became  her  special  pet. 

Aunt  Betsey  was  then  about  thirty-three  years 
old.  It  was  the  custom  of  the  day  for  girls  who  had 
not  married  and  who  needed  a  home  to  be  taken  into 
that  of  some  relative,  where  they  made  themselves 
useful  in  the  household  in  return  for  their  board. 
Sometimes  they  became  mere  drudges.  This  was  not 
the  case,  however,  with  Betsey,  whose  home  life  was 
of  the  happiest  and  who  was  much  beloved  by  her 
brother's  children,  although  much  tormented  by 
them  as  well.  Her  nephew  Henry  wrote  many  years 
later  the  following  description  of  her:  — 

She  was  "Aunt  Betsey"  to  all  of  us  children  and  was 
devotedly  attached  to  me,  read  to  me  before  I  could 
read  myself,  then  taught  me  verses  from  hymns  and 
from  the  Bible  &  was  never  tired  of  doing  her  best  for 
me.  Very  different  she  was  in  her  way  of  looking  at 
things  from  my  mother.  Aunt  Betsey  was  very  con- 
scientious and  very  devout,  but  the  way  of  duty  was 
not  for  her  a  joyous  way.  She  would  have  suspected 
herself  of  being  out  of  the  way,  if  she  had  found  much 
joy  in  it.  I  sat  next  to  her  on  Sundays  in  Dr.  Spring's 
church,  &  the  tears  were  often  in  her  eyes.  I  think  her 
conceptions  of  God  must  have  been  principally  those 

[  1  os  ] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


New  York  representing  Him  as  a  sin-hating  God,  without  suffi- 
ciently emphasizing  His  infinite  loving-ness. 

She  was  very  helpful  in  the  household,  and  though 
I  and  the  younger  children  constantly  fretted  and  re- 
belled against  her  attempts  to  restrain  us,  we  realize 
now  how  kind  and  selfless  she  was.  My  father  had 
given  her  a  home  from  my  earliest  memory.  .  .  . 

I  never  knew  my  mother  say  an  unkind  word  to 
Aunt  Betsey. 

One  of  Aunt  Betsey's  nieces  gave  a  rather  humor- 
ous account  of  her  personal  appearance:  "She  was 
a  very  tall,  straight,  prim-looking  woman  with  dark 
snapping  eyes  and  dark  hair,  and  with  it  all  a  fly- 
away look.  She  wore  a  cap  with  strings  which  were 
always  flying  out  behind."  Some  of  her  nieces 
thought  her  "crazy  looking"  but  they  all  loved  her. 

Two  other  children  followed  Henry  —  James 
Goodrich  (October  3,  1822),  named  for  Mr.  de 
Forest's  faithful  partner,  and  Frederick  Lockwood, 
2nd  (December  2,  1825).  This  trio  of  little  boys  — 
"Henry,  Jim,  and  Fred"  —  were  the  youngest 
members  of  this  large  family.  When  Mehetabel  de 
Forest's  youngest  child,  Fred,  was  born,  her  eldest 
one,  Wheeler,  was  thirty-one  years  old!  This  is  a 
somewhat  remarkable  record,  though  such  families 
were  not  unusual  in  those  early  days,  notwithstand- 
ing the  trials  and  privations  and  innumerable  duties 
of  the  New  England  housewife  of  the  time,  who  was 
frequently  left  without  help  except  such  as  might  be 
rendered  by  some  relative  residing  in  the  family  — 

[  .06  ] 


De  Forest  &  Son  Shipping  Merchants 

as,  for  instance,  the  devoted  and  invaluable  "  Sister  New  York 
Betsey." 

As  was  quite  natural,  Mr.  de  Forest  chose  unpre- 
tentious localities  for  his  residence  during  the  early 
part  of  his  stay  in  New  York,  but  as  he  prospered  in 
business,  he  decided  to  move  to  a  more  fashionable 
neighborhood.  He  selected  Greenwich  Street,  one  of 
the  most  desirable  streets  in  the  city,  as  it  led  to  the 
Battery,  then  the  park  where  the  fashionable  world 
met  to  promenade  and  enjoy  the  sea  breezes  and 
the  view  of  the  harbor.  He  moved  in  1823  to  No. 
1 10  Greenwich  Street  and  lived  there  for  two  years. 
From  1825  until  1830  he  was  at  No.  90  Greenwich 
Street,  and  from  then  until  the  time  when  he  left 
New  York,  in  1833,  he  was  at  No.  62  on  the  same 
street. 

His  son  Henry  in  the  "Narrative"  already  men- 
tioned writes  of  these  Greenwich  Street  days  with  a 
very  tender  and  loving  touch,  and  his  account  is  of 
such  interest  —  giving,  as  it  does,  not  only  a  picture 
of  the  home  life  but  of  the  times  as  well  —  that  full 
extracts  from  it  will  now  be  given. 

A  three  story  brick  house  with  slate  roof  and  dormer 
windows  on  the  East  side  of  Greenwich  St.  N.  Y.  City 
between  Rector  and  Carolina  Street  known  as  No.  1 10 
in  the  year  1824  or  perhaps  a  few  months  earlier.  This 
is  my  earliest  recollection  of  my  home.  The  house  No. 
no  Greenwich  St.  was  exchanged  a  year  or  two  later 
for  No.  90,  nearer  the  Battery,  and  after  a  few  years 

[    io7   ] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


New  York  there  we  removed  to  No.  62,  still  nearer  the  Battery 
remaining  in  that  house  till  1834  or  thereabouts  when 
my  father  retired  from  business  and  went  to  Bridge- 
port. 

The  most  memorable  foom  in  the  two  earlier  homes 
was  the  nursery.  It  was  on  the  2nd  floor  front  in  both 
No.  1 10  and  No.  90,  the  outlook  on  Greenwich  Street, 
very  attractive  to  us  children  —  my  sister  Louise, 
brother  James  &  myself.  But  the  interior  was  the  great 
delight.  The  open  fireplace,  the  brass  andirons,  the 
wood  fire,  and  our  dear  Mother's  presence  above  every- 
thing else  made  this  the  adytum  of  the  Home.  She  was 
the  priestess  but  there  were  no  mysteries  and  no  con- 
cealments. We  had  the  usual  number  of  servants  for 
such  an  establishment  at  that  period,  but  our  mother 
attended  to  many  details  of  the  household  herself.  I 
remember  well  that  she  herself  kept  the  outer  corners 
of  the  fire  place  neatly  painted  a  pure  red.  I  have  often 
seen  her  doing  it  with  a  small  paint  brush,  the  red  paint 
being  supplied  from  a  small  earthen  mug.  .  .  . 

When  my  parents  removed  to  New  York  they  joined 
the  "Brick"  Presbyterian  Church.1  It  was  so  called 
because  of  the  material  used  in  its  construction.  It 
stood  at  the  South  westerly  end  of  the  triangular  plot 
of  land  enclosed  by  Beekman  St.  Park  Row  and  Nassau 
St.  The  brick  church  was  on  the  front  next  Beekman 
Street.  There  was  a  "Session  Room"  on  the  Easterly 
front,  built  of  wood,  painted  white  —  a  very  simple 
inexpensive  structure.  The  spaces  around  the  church 
were  in  grass  &  trees  and  the  enclosure  was  in  use  as 
a  grave  yard  like  that  of  Old  Trinity.   Rev.  Gardiner 

1  Their  earliest  church  membership  had  been,  as  we  have 
just  heard,  with  Mr.  Rowan's  church  in  Greenwich  Village. 

[  '08  ] 


THE  "  BRICK  CHURCH,"  NEW  YORK,  FROM  THE  CORNER  OF 
NASSAU  STREET  AND  PARK  ROW,  l820 

From  a  water-color  drawing  by  Archibald  Robertson  in  the  New  York  Historical  Society 


De  Forest  &  Son  Shipping  Merchants 

Spring  D.D.  was  the  pastor  of  the  Church  and  con-    New  York 
turned  so  until  his  death.  .  .  . 

The  so  called  "catechisms"  were  held  regularly  on 
Wednesday  afternoons  at  the  Session  Room.  This  was 
before  Sunday  Schools  had  become  general.  The  cat- 
echising of  the  children  by  the  minister,  brought  him 
in  close  acquaintance  with  them.  It  is  a  pity  that  there 
has  been  a  change  in  this  respect.  It  was  also  the  con- 
stant practice  of  my  father  every  Sunday  to  hear  us 
children  recite  the  Westminster  catechism.  My  sister 
Louise,  &  my  brother  James  &  Fred  &  I  continued  to 
do  this  until  we  had  grown  up.  .  .  .l 

In  order  to  get  from  my  home  in  Greenwich  St.  to 
the  Brick  Church  session  room,  I  had  to  walk  up  Rec- 
tor St.  to  Broadway,  then  through  Broadway  to  Park 
Row,  and  through  Park  Row  to  Beekman  Street.  On 
Sundays  while  service  was  going  on  in  Trinity  Church, 
a  chain  was  suspended  across  Rector  St.  and  another 
across  Broadway  near  the  head  of  Wall  Street  to  pre- 
vent the  passage  of  vehicles  and  the  consequent  dis- 
turbance of  the  worship.  .  .  . 

There  were  city  pumps  at  various  corners  with  long 
heavy  iron  handles  worn  bright  by  constant  use.  I 
remember  one  in  particular  at  the  corner  of  Broadway 
and  Park  Row  just  opposite  St.  Paul's  church.  I  was 
told  that  when  St.  Paul's  statue  then  &  still  on  the  ped- 
iment of  the  Church  heard  the  clock  strike  twelve  at 
midnight  it  came  down  and  took  a  drink  from  that 

1  As  an  instance  of  the  father's  interest  in  the  develop- 
ment of  his  children,  Henry  mentions  finding  after  his 
father's  death,  treasured  among  the  latter's  papers,  the 
certificate  which  Dr.  Spring  had  given  to  Henry  when  he 
was  seven  years  old  for  correctly  repeating  the  Shorter 
Catechism. 

[  I09  ] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


New  York  pump.  I  then  believed  that  the  statue  did  hear  the 
clock  strike,  and  of  course  believed  all  the  rest. 

I  was  also  told  that  the  Theatre  we  passed  on  the 
way  to  the  Church  (The  Park  Theatre)  was  the 
"Devil's  House"  and  I  used  to  shy  off  to  the  curb  when 
.  walking  by,  for  fear  of  being  drawn  in.  I  once  entered 
the  Park  Theatre  about  the  year  1844  to  hear  Mac- 
ready  play  Hamlet.  This  was  shortly  before  it  was 
taken  down,  and  about  the  same  time  the  old  Brick 
Church  was  removed  to  5  th  Ave.  corner  of  37th  St.  and 
the  old  grave  yard  and  the  old  Session  room  disap- 
peared. 

I  shall  never  forget  the  impressions  I  received  from 
Dr.  Spring's  preaching  during  my  childhood.  He  was  a 
man  of  fine  presence  &  of  real  dignity.  His  voice  was 
musical  and  tender.  He  was  an  intimate  friend  of  my 
father,  and  I  saw  him  often  at  our  house.  ...  I  see  the 
interior  of  the  old  church  as  it  then  existed  before  me 
now;  the  straight  backed  pews,  painted  white,  the  pul- 
pit standing  on  slight  fluted  Corinthian  columns,  with 
benches  under  it,  and  over  it  high  up  on  the  ceiling  a 
medallion  with  this  inscription  "Holiness  to  the  Lord." 
This  medallion  is  the  only  memento  of  the  old  church 
which  has  been  retained  in  the  later  edifice.  .  .  . 

Dr.  Spring  was  a  strict  Calvinist  in  his  theology.  All 
the  Presbyterian  divines  of  that  period  were.  He  was 
universally  respected  throughout  the  city.  When  the 
Cholera  visited  N.Y.  about  the  year  1839  he  was  one 
of  the  few  ministers  who  remained  at  his  post  and  all 
sects  recognized  this  adherence  to  his  duty. 

While  young  children  were  being  added  to  the 
household  of  Lockwood  and  Mehetabel,  the  elder 

[  «o] 


st.  Paul's  church  and  the  broadway  stages,  1831 

From  Valentine's  Manual,  1 86 1 


De  Forest  &  Son  Shipping  Merchants 

daughters,  as  has  already  been  shown,  were  leaving  New  York 
it  and  going  to  homes  of  their  own.  Eliza  was  mar- 
ried on  December  22,  1823,  to  Samuel  Downer;  Jane, 
on  March  23,  1826,  to  Burr  Wakeman;  Sarah,  on 
September  28,  1830,  to  Walter  Edwards;  and  Ann 
Mehetabel  on  October  27,  1830,  to  Simeon  Baldwin. 
One  cannot  help  wondering  why  the  last  two  sisters, 
who  were  married  just  one  month  apart,  did  not 
choose  rather  to  have  a  double  wedding. 

When  Lockwood  de  Forest  in  18 15  made  his  great 
venture  and  transferred  his  large  family  to  New 
York,  Wheeler  was  twenty-one  years  old.  He  had 
already  had  considerable  shipping  experience.  In 
1 8 17  his  father  took  him  into  partnership  under  the 
firm  name  of  L.  &  W.  W.  De  Forest.  The  next  year 
the  name  was  changed  to  De  Forest  &  Son  and  so 
continued  until  1836. 

At  first  they  rented  a  store  on  the  East  River 
front,  85  South  Street,  but  in  1820  the  firm  had  had 
sufficient  success  to  warrant  establishing  themselves 
on  a  permanent  basis.  They  then  bought  a  store, 
No.  82  South  Street,  in  the  very  midst  of  the  ship- 
ping district.  In  fact,  the  accompanying  illustration 
shows  No.  75  South  Street  on  the  corner  of  Maiden 
Lane,  and  only  a  few  doors  above  was  the  store  of 
De  Forest  &  Son.  These  premises  remained  in  the 
possession  of  the  family  until  1900,  when  they  were 
sold  by  the  heirs  of  Lockwood  de  Forest's  three 
younger  sons. 

[  m  ] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


New  York  Nine  years  after  they  moved  into  82  South  Street 
the  building  was  burned  down,  but  was  immediately 
rebuilt,  though  the  new  store  was  not  so  large  as  the 
old  one.  The  insurance  companies  refused  on  tech- 
nical grounds  to  pay  the  loss  on  the  goods  in  the 
store,  which  were  mainly  consigned  property.  Mr. 
de  Forest  brought  suit  against  them  and  in  this  crisis 
found  his  legal  experience,  acquired  in  the  law  courts 
of  Connecticut  while  deputy  sheriff  there,  of  the 
greatest  value  to  him.  The  case  was  decided  against 
the  companies  and  the  plaintiff  felt  the  keenest  satis- 
faction in  the  result,  independently  of  the  pecuniary 
interest  he  had  in  it. 

Lockwood  de  Forest  was  now  prosperous  in  his 
business  and  had  become  "notable  among  the  New 
York  importers  and  shippers  of  the  early  half  of  the 
century."  He  was  also  in  his  own  way  a  loving 
father,  at  all  times  vitally  interested  in  the  welfare  of 
his  children,  especially  in  their  religious  welfare.  He 
prayed  for  them,  exhorted  them,  and  had  them  con- 
tinually in  his  mind.  He  frequently  urged  one  or  an- 
other of  them  to  use  his  or  her  influence  for  the  good 
of  the  others.  But  he  held  them  with  a  stern  hand 
and  thought  it  right  so  to  do.  His  children  feared 
rather  than  loved  him  when  they  were  young,  but 
they  appreciated  his  fine  qualities  more  as  they  grew 
older  and  were  able  to  look  behind  the  sometimes 
harsh  exterior. 

His  association  in  partnership  with  his  eldest  son 


SOUTH   STREET  FROM   MAIDEN  LANE,   1 828.     PAINTED  AND 
ENGRAVED  BY   WILLIAM   I.   BENNETT 

From  Valentine's  Manual,  1854 


De  Forest  &  Son  Shipping  Merchants 

Wheeler  in  a  business  which  was  honorable  and  prof-  New  York 
itable  to  both  men  should  have  brought  him  unal- 
loyed satisfaction.  But  we  have  seen  how  strenuous 
and  insistent  this  unhappy  man  could  be,  even  when 
to  others  the  subject  at  issue  might  appear  trivial, 
and  these  traits  were  now  to  aggravate  a  contro- 
versy in  which  Lockwood  and  Wheeler  de  Forest 
became  entangled  and  to  render  it  fairly  tragic.  It  is 
probable  that  this  affair  would  never  have  become  so 
grave  had  Mr.  de  Forest  been  less  agitated  and  over- 
wrought by  the  church  trial  in  which  he  had  suffered 
so  keenly ;  but  in  any  case  the  cause  of  the  trouble 
seems  entirely  out  of  proportion  to  its  effect.  It  all 
grew  out  of  a  difference  of  opinion  as  to  the  method 
of  keeping  the  firm's  books.  We  must  remember  that 
while  Mr.  de  Forest  could  be  so  positive  and  per- 
sistent as  to  make  it  impossible  to  continue  business 
relations  with  him,  yet  Wheeler  was  impulsive,  as 
was  natural  in  a  young  man,  rather  quick-tempered, 
and  had  somewhat  the  same  insistent  traits  as  his 
father. 

The  story  of  this  unfortunate  affair  is  as  follows : 
In  the  early  winter  of  1833  Mr.  de  Forest  became 
convinced  that  the  methods  of  bookkeeping  em- 
ployed by  De  Forest  &  Son  were  not  good  — 
"wrong,"  as  he  emphatically  put  it.  He  accused  no 
one  of  fraud,  nor  did  he,  in  fact,  consider  himself 
defrauded ;  he  simply  did  not  like  the  methods  em- 
ployed.   He  spent  much  time  in  studying  the  ac- 

[  "3  ] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


New  York  counts  and  arguing  with  his  son  or  the  bookkeeper  on 
the  subject,  without  convincing  either  of  them  that 
he  was  right.  He  then  appealed  to  various  corre- 
spondents of  the  house,  including  their  agent  abroad, 
but  none  of  these  could  see  anything  out  of  the 
way.  Such  was  also  the  judgment  of  two  gentlemen, 
friends  of  the  family,  who  were  appointed  referees, 
Mr.  de  Forest  agreeing  to  consider  their  decision 
"final  and  conclusive." 

A  lawyer  selected  by  him  was  then  asked  to  give  a 
legal  opinion  "to  advise  and  instruct  the  referees." 
His  decision  was  also  adverse  to  Mr.  de  Forest,  who 
therefore  expressed  a  wish  to  go  over  the  accounts 
with  him  and  explain  his  objections.  This  the  lawyer 
wisely  declined  to  do,  giving  as  a  reason  his  fear  of 
injuring  Mr.  de  Forest's  health,  which  made  the  lat- 
ter promptly  retort,  "  I  employed  you  as  legal  coun- 
sel, and  not  as  physician ;  nor  do  I  want  your  advice 
as  such." 

This  legal  opinion  left  Mr.  de  Forest  still  unsatis- 
fied. He  felt  that  he  could  not  go  back  on  his  word 
and  continue  the  controversy  on  his  own  account, 
but  he  considered  himself  justified  in  taking  up  the 
cudgels  on  behalf  of  some  of  the  customers  of  the 
firm,  although  the  customers  themselves  were  per- 
fectly satisfied.  Such  a  course  was  certainly  unfair 
and  was  not  in  accordance  with  the  spirit  of  his 
agreement  with  the  referees.  It  was  the  only  act  in 
the  whole  unhappy  business  in  which  Mr.  de  Forest 

[   "4] 


De  Forest  8c  Son  Shipping  Merchants 

could  be  regarded  as  taking  an  unfair  advantage,  but  New  York 
he  was  now  in  a  very  overwrought  mental  condition 
and  entirely  unreasonable.  One  of  his  relatives, 
seeing  the  havoc  the  controversy  was  making,  felt 
warranted  in  writing:  "You  make  it  the  demon  of 
the  day  and  the  vision  of  the  night.  You  allow  it  to 
destroy  your  peace  of  mind ;  to  inspire  you  with  dis- 
trust of  your  son  and  best  friends ;  to  break  up  your 
family." 

But  such  admonitions  did  not  deter  Lockwood  de 
Forest  from  continuing  the  bitter  contention.  It  had 
grown  to  be  an  obsession  with  him  and  he  had  to 
defend  his  position.  He  therefore  had  a  book  or 
pamphlet  printed,  "fifty  six  pages  with  a  voluminous 
appendix,"  setting  forth  the  whole  subject,  includ- 
ing the  correspondence.  This  pamphlet  he  had  dis- 
tributed broadcast,  with  the  sole  effect  of  extending 
the  knowledge  of  the  quarrel. 

Wheeler  now  made  overtures  to  buy  his  father's 
interest,  but  it  was  evidently  impossible  to  agree  on 
terms  which  would  be  satisfactory  to  both  of  them. 
The  controversy  dragged  its  weary  length  for  a  year 
and  a  half,  until  the  distracted  merchant  became 
thoroughly  exhausted.  "I  was  at  length  prostrated 
on  a  bed  of  sickness,"  he  wrote  later,  "my  constitu- 
tion shattered  —  my  whole  nervous  system  agitated 
and  deranged,  and  my  heart  broken  within  me." 
His  wife  was  also  ill  from  the  worry  and  all  the 
family  were  in  a  nervous  and  exhausted  condition. 

[  "5  ] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


New  York  At  this  time  various  members  of  Mr.  de  Forest's 
family  were  living  in  Bridgeport,  and  in  the  summer 
of  1833  his  children  persuaded  him  to  go  there  and 
live,  for  a  while  at  any  rate,  hoping  that  the  compan- 
ionship of  these  relatives  and  the  change  of  scene 
might  work  a  cure.  This  he  did,  but  he  still  brooded, 
not  only  over  the  bookkeeping,  but  also  over  what 
he  considered  his  son's  undutiful  conduct. 

Unfortunately,  at  this  time  his  son-in-law,  Daniel 
Lord,  Jr.,  was  also  brought  into  the  controversy. 
Mr.  de  Forest  had  always  respected  young  Mr. 
Lord's  opinions  and  judgment,  and  Lockwood's 
gentle  wife  hoped  that  a  statement  from  Mr.  Lord 
as  to  how  far  Wheeler  had  acted  upon  his  advice 
would  tend  to  soften  Mr.  de  Forest's  condemnation 
of  his  son.  But,  alas,  Mr.  de  Forest's  wrath  simply 
turned  upon  his  son-in-law,  and  another  sad  and 
futile  controversy  was  begun.  Since  this  led  no- 
where, we  might  well  pass  over  it  in  silence,  except 
for  the  fact  that  Mr.  de  Forest  again  had  recourse 
to  his  habit  of  appealing  to  an  "Enlightened  pub- 
lic" and  printed  the  entire  correspondence!  Such  an 
act  was  unquestionably  due  to  his  extreme  mental 
excitement.  Mr.  Lord's  letters  had  been  patient 
and  friendly  in  tone,  but  Lockwood  de  Forest  could 
not  brook  the  assumption  that  any  one,  and  espe- 
cially a  younger  man,  was  wiser  than  he  or  should 
presume  to  criticize  him  or  differ  from  him. 

It  was  indeed  high  time  that  Mr.  de  Forest  should 

[   "H 


Family  Ties 

be  persuaded  to  leave  the  strenuous  life  of  New   New  York 
York  and  settle  in  a  place  where  there  was  less  to 
agitate  him. 

Family  Ties 

Probably  no  course  could  have  been  wiser  than  Bridgeport 
the  one  taken  in  persuading  Mr.  de  Forest  to  move 
to  Bridgeport  with  his  family  in  the  summer  of 
1833.  As  has  been  said,  he  had  several  relatives 
residing  there  at  this  time  from  whom  he  had  long 
been  separated  and  whom  he  enjoyed  being  near 
once  more.  His  brother  William,  two  years  his 
senior,  made  his  home  in  Bridgeport  with  his  sec- 
ond wife  (Widow  Lucretia  Canfield)  and  his  chil- 
dren. Abby  Lewis,  Lockwood's  eldest  sister,  was 
there  to  welcome  him.  Lockwood's  half-brother, 
Charles,1  was  also  living  there  with  his  wife.  When, 
therefore,  Lockwood  and  his  sister  Betsey  joined 
the  family  group,  there  were  five  of  Nehemiah  de 
Forest's  children  again  dwelling  in  one  town. 

Upon  Lockwood's  arrival,  he  went  to  board  with 
his  nephew  Isaac,  his  brother  William's  son,  but 
finding  his  stay  in  Bridgeport  agreeable,  he  decided 
to  adopt  that  city  as  his  residence,  for  the  time  being 
at  any  rate.  He  therefore  secured  a  house  on  Main 
Street  near  Fairfield  Avenue,  just  at  the  foot  of 
Golden  Hill,  and  had  it  put  in  good  order  through- 

1  Eleanor  Hickock,  Charles's  mother,  had  died  in  Bridge- 
port in  1825. 

[  "7] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


Bridgeport  out.  On  May  i,  1834,  he  sent  his  coachman  to  New 
York  to  bring  up  his  furniture. 

There  was  no  longer  necessity  for  so  large  a  house 
as  the  family  had  formerly  occupied,  for  they  were 
now  very  few  in  number.  All  the  daughters  were 
married  except  Louisa;  Wheeler  and  George  were  in 
New  York,  while  Henry  and  James  were  at  board- 
ing-school in  the  same  place.  Thus  the  only  children 
at  home  were  Louisa  and  Fred. 

Of  course  Aunt  Betsey  must  not  be  left  out  of  the 
family  list.  She  was  indeed  happy  in  the  new  home; 
for  she  had  a  lovely  garden  in  the  rear  of  the  house 
—  a  garden  where  she  could  raise  the  flowers  that 
she  loved  and  vegetables  as  well,  especially  if  the 
children  would  help  her  with  the  weeding. 

The  family  lived  with  a  certain  amount  of  style 
in  Bridgeport.  Mr.  de  Forest,  who  was  exceedingly 
fond  of  driving,  had  a  coachman  and  a  pair  of 
horses,  "Peacock  and  Pedlar " —  at  that  time  the 
only  turnout  of  such  magnificence  in  the  place.  This 
pair  he  liked  to  drive  about  the  country,  making 
long  excursions  and  going  frequently  to  Fairfield, 
where  his  daughter  Mary  (Mrs.  Skinner)  was  then 
living.  When  he  was  not  using  Peacock  and  Pedlar 
himself,  his  daughter  Louisa  took  pleasure  in  driv- 
ing them  harnessed  to  a  gig;  she  would  sometimes 
return  from  Fairfield  with  the  gig  packed  full  of 
her  sister  Mary's  children,  all  brought  to  pay  their 
grandparents  a  little  visit. 

[  "8] 


Family  Ties 

The  father  loved  to  have  his  children  and  his  Bridgeport 
children's  children  with  him  and  frequently  wrote 
letters  somewhat  like  the  following:  "We  should  be 
pleased  to  see  any  of  the  Family  here  —  we  have  a 
first  rate  Cook  &  everything  of  the  best.  Tell  them 
to  come  along."  The  mother,  as  well,  was  never 
better  pleased  than  when  there  was  not  a  nook  or  a 
corner  of  the  house  unoccupied,  and  it  must  indeed 
have  been  elastic  to  have  contained  the  people  that 
were  sometimes  packed  into  it.  As  an  illustration, 
we  quote  from  Mr.  de  Forest's  reply  to  a  letter  from 
Henry,  then  at  Amherst  College :  — 

April  26,  1838.  We  should  on  almost  any  occasion 
be  happy  to  see  a  friend  with  you — and  will  not  ob- 
ject now  but  on  the  contrary  say  to  you  to  bring  him 
if  you  think  best.  Yet  as  we  are  likely  to  be  well 
stocked  with  company,  I  think  it  is  proper  you  should 
know  how  we  are  likely  to  be  circumstanced  —  that 
you  may  know  how  to  judge  for  yourself.  To  begin 
then  Sarah  (unwell)  and  her  child  &  nurse  will  be  here 
for  a  Mo.  or  more.  Yourself,  James  &  Fred  (both  latter 
home  now)  Mr.  Downer  &  Eliza  are  coming  in  a  few 
days,  soon  as  he  is  able  to  stand  the  passage  and  we 
expected  Ann  &  child  also  in  the  course  of  the  next 
month,  but  nevertheless  your  Mother  says  "let  him 
come.  We  can  do  well  enough  for  a  few  days.  .  .  .  We 
shall  do  what  we  can  to  make  it  pleasant  for  him  if  he 


comes." 


For  the  Thanksgiving  dinner  especially,  Mr.  de 
Forest  delighted  in  gathering  the  family  together 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


Bridgeport  and  yet  was  himself  rather  silent  at  such  times ;  he 
never  laughed,  and  the  dinners  would  have  been 
serious  or  even  solemn  affairs  had  it  not  been  for  the 
sweetness  and  graciousness  of  his  wife.  She  called 
him  "Mr.  D."  and  would  have  thought  it  disrespect- 
ful to  use  any  more  familiar  name.  She  loved  and 
admired  her  husband  greatly,  but  she  had  to  make  a 
constant  effort  to  soften  down  his  harshness ;  in  fact, 
she  was  the  family  peacemaker. 

Mr.  de  Forest  was  now  fifty-eight  years  old,  a 
tall,  strikingly  handsome  man,  wearing,  as  was  cus- 
tomary, a  high  stock,  which  served  to  emphasize  his 
stately  appearance.  We  have  said  that  he  was  a 
stern  man  but,  as  is  often  the  case  with  such  char- 
acters, there  went  with  this  sternness  an  amount 
of  energy  which  many  of  his  descendants  have  in- 
herited and  for  which  they  probably  have  him  to 
thank. 

In  his  new  home,  with  its  simple  country  life,  he 
could,  if  anywhere,  forget  his  worriments  and  allow 
himself  to  be  drawn  into  new  and  less  strenuous 
interests.  These  could  not,  however,  make  him  for- 
get the  two  little  boys  in  New  York.  They  were  at 
a  boarding  school,  at  the  "Washington  Institute," 
which  was  far  away  from  the  town  in  the  open 
country  at  Thirteenth  Street  near  Third  Avenue. 
They  had  already  been  there  for  a  couple  of  years 
and  had  acquired  a  first-rate  grounding  in  English, 
though  they  received  very  slight   instruction  in 


o 
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o 

O 


< 


Family  Ties 

Latin  and  none  in  Greek.  In  the  fall  of  1833  the  Bridge-port 
father  wrote  to  these  children,  then  thirteen  and 
eleven  years  of  age,  a  letter  which  can  truly  be 
described  as  "awful,"  although  it  was  the  kind  of 
letter  deemed  necessary,  according  to  the  spirit 
of  that  day,  for  the  salvation  of  their  souls. 

Dear  Henry  &  James 

Seperated  as  we  are  from  you  .  .  .  Your  dear 
Mother  &  I  do  not  forget  you.  .  .  .  We  often  call  to 
mind  the  happy  seasons  when  you  all  sat  around  us  on 
the  Evening  of  the  Blessed  Sabbath,  &  rehearsed  the 
truths  of  God's  Holy  Word  from  the  summary  of  it,  in 
the  Catechism.  And  we  hope  &  pray  that  you  neither 
now,  or  ever  will  hereafter,  forget  or  neglect,  a  single 
one  of  all  those  great  truths.  .  .  . 

Is  it  your  desire  to  be  usefull  to  your  fellow  men  and 
to  the  Church  of  God  in  the  World.  Your  only  hope 
of  being  so,  Depends  on  your  cordial  acceptance  and 
belief  of  these  great  truths.  He  that  believeth  shall  be 
saved,  and  he  that  believeth  not  —  shall  be  damned. 
This  is  the  voice  of  Eternal  truth!  God  hath  declared 
it.  There  is  no  getting  away  from  it.  .  .  .  Oh  what  is  it 
to  be  Damned!  It  is  not  only  to  lose  the  society  of  God 
&  Christ,  of  angels  &  Glorified  Spirits  —  of  those  of  our 
dear  relatives  &  friends  with  whom  we  once  lived  &  once 
so  tenderly  loved  on  Earth,  &  now  are  among  the  blood 
bought  throng  around  the  throne  of  God  the  Lamb. 

But  Odreadfull  thought!  It  is  to  dwell  in  Eternal 
burnings,  &  forever  to  mingle  in  the  Society  of  Devils  & 
Damned  Spirits,  where  is  nothing  but  ceaseless  weep- 
ing &  wailing  &  gnashing  of  teeth!!  — 

And  would  you,  my  dear  children,  avoid  this  dread- 

[  '«  ] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


Bridgeport  ful  doom.  Then  "Remember  your  Creator  in  the  days 
of  your  Youth."  "Seek  first" —  (before  any  thing  & 
every  thing  else)  "the  Kingdom  of  God  and  his  Right- 
eousness, &  all  things  else"  (which  shall  be  best  for 
you)  "shall  be  added  unto  you"  —  "Now  is  the  ac- 
cepted time."  "Now  is  the  day  of  Salvation."  Not 
to-morrow  —  Tomorrow  may  be  too  late.  Youth  is 
the  time  to  seek  the  Lord.  .  .  . 
Believe  us  Affectionately 

Your  Father  &  Mother. 

(Henry)  Perhaps  James  cant  read  this  so  well  —  you 
will  therefore  read  it  to  him. 

One  can  imagine  the  nightmares  which  the  poor 
little  fellows  had  after  reading  this  terrible  epistle 
—  and  yet  the  father  wrote  it  in  kindness  and,  as 
he  thought,  for  their  good. 

In  the  spring  of  1834  the  boys  went  to  spend  the 
vacation  with  their  parents  and  did  not  return  to  the 
Washington  Institute.  In  fact,  Henry  now  began 
to  make  his  meagre  preparations  for  college  under 
a  tutor  in  Bridgeport.  Up  to  this  time  the  father 
had  not  felt  that  he  could  afford  to  send  his  sons  to 
college;  but  he  now  had  more  wealth,  Henry  was 
eager  for  knowledge,  and  it  had  been  decided  to 
allow  him  this  privilege. 

The  choice  of  a  college  was  an  important  matter. 
Theology  was  one  of  the  most  serious  factors  in  this 
decision.  In  Henry's  note-book  he  writes  regarding 
his  father's  convictions  on  this  subject :  "My  father's 

[   I22  ] 


Family  Ties 

mind  was   active,   logical   and   discriminating;   he   Bridgeport 
never  hesitated  or  doubted  about  the  Calvinistic 
doctrines.  He  read  theological  books  and  was  ready 
to  controvert  all  comers  who  opposed  the  theology 
he  adhered  to." 

Henry  and  his  nephew,  Daniel  D.  Lord,  were 
anxious  to  go  to  Yale,  but  the  theology  taught  there 
was,  in  Mr.  de  Forest's  opinion,  "heterodox." 
Amherst  was  favorably  considered;  but  Mr.  de 
Forest  hesitated  a  long  time  because  Professor 
Hitchcock  had  adopted  the  theory,  then  not  uni- 
versal, of  long  geological  periods  prior  to  the  crea- 
tion of  man,  and  it  was  generally  thought  at  that 
time  that  this  theory  was  incompatible  with  the 
account  in  Genesis. 

Finally  the  vote  was  cast  for  Amherst,  and  Henry, 
after  a  year  of  preparation,  was  able  to  pass  his 
examinations  in  July,  1835,  shortly  before  the  com- 
pletion of  his  fifteenth  year.  During  this  year  of 
serious  study  his  brother  Wheeler  was  exceedingly 
kind  and  sympathetic.  He  himself  had  always  felt 
the  lack  of  a  good  education.  Henry  at  one  time 
said  regarding  him :  — 

He  never  had  the  opportunity  of  being  long  at  school, 
but  somehow,  &  in  some  way,  he  gained  as  good  an 
acquaintance  with  his  own  language  as  many  liberally 
educated  men  possess. 

When  I  graduated  from  College  in  my  twentieth 
year,  he  was  about  forty-seven  years  old.  He  was  even 

[  I23  ] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


Bridgeport  then  reading  carefully  books  on  the  grammar  &  philos- 
ophy of  the  language.  He  had  a  well-chosen  library  & 
for  many  years  was  attended  for  an  hour  or  two  daily 
by  an  educated  gentleman  who  read  aloud  to  him  stand- 
ard books,  &  discussed  their  topics.  This  was  during 
a  period  when  he  was  suffering  from  weakness  of  the 
eyes,  &  when  he  was  engaged  in  very  active  business. 

It  was  always  a  relief  to  Wheeler  to  turn  from 
his  business  to  thoughts  of  the  little  circle  at  home 
and  to  imagine  them  happily  and  usefully  employed. 
He  was  very  anxious  to  be  of  assistance  to  his 
younger  brother  and  wrote  long,  encouraging  letters 
to  him,  giving  good  advice  but  not  giving  it  in  a  way 
that  made  it  hard  of  acceptance.  He  wrote  Henry: 

You  should  not  let  Aunt  Betsey  have  it  to  say,  that 
you  should  have  no  garden  if  it  was  not  for  her,  because 
you  ought  to  help  her,  &  consider  it  not  a  labour,  but 
a  privilege.  .  .  . 

If  you  would  rise  early  in  the  morning,  &  help  Aunt 
Betsey,  it  would  not  only  keep  the  weeds  from  growing 
in  the  garden,  but  from  growing  somewhere  else  .  .  . 
for  the  only  way  to  keep  weeds  down  is  never  to  let 
them  go  to  seed,  and  you  should  recollect  that  the  first 
garden  we  read  of  was  planted  by  the  Almighty,  &  the 
first  created  being  upon  earth  before  sin  came  into  the 
world  was  put  there  to  dress  &  keep  it;  it  is  therefore  an 
honorable  as  well  as  a  healthy  &  useful  occupation.  .  .  . 

I  wish  you  would  take  a  little  more  pains  not  only 
with  your  writing,  but  in  the  subject  of  your  letters, 
and  before  you  begin,  think  over  what  you  have  to  say, 
&  then  they  will  be  much  more  interesting,  and  instead 

[  I24  ] 


Family  Ties 

of  confining  yourself  to  how  hard  the  Horse  trots,  and  Bridgeport 
the  Beans,  beets  &  corn  in  the  Garden,  that  you  would 
go  a  little  further,  &  tell  me  what  advancement  you  are 
making  in  your  studies,  &  then  I  should  know  how  you 
are  preparing  yourself  for  future  usefulness,  &  that  you 
would  be  a  credit  &  comfort  hereafter  to  all  connected 
with  you. 

You  cannot,  my  dear  boy,  estimate  too  highly  your 
present  advantages,  or  pay  too  great  attention  to  your 
studies  .  .  .  for,  as  poor  Richard  says,  —  "Rust  con- 
sumes faster  than  labor  wears,  while  the  used  key  is 
always  bright."  I  wish  you  to  be  always  using  your 
key  to  the  Treasury  of  Knowledge. 

Always  your  affectionate  Brother, 

W.  W.  de  Forest. 

When  October,  1835,  came  around,  the  whole 
family  was  in  a  twitter  of  excitement,  for  was  not 
Henry  starting  for  Amherst  to  be  a  Freshman  — 
and  no  member  of  the  family  had  ever  been  a  Fresh- 
man !  Many  were  the  preparations,  and  yet  some 
things  were  forgotten.  After  he  had  gone,  Louisa 
wrote  to  him  that  his  mother  very  much  regretted 
that  he  had  not  taken  his  old  frock  coat  with  him, 
as  it  would  have  been  most  useful  and  convenient 
when  he  was  chopping  wood.  A  week  later  the 
old  frock  coat  and  other  omitted  articles  were  for- 
warded by  a  friend.  How  we  wish  we  might  have 
seen  Henry  chopping  his  firewood  in  that  frock  coat 
or  "surtout,"  as  he  calls  it  in  another  place! 

With  the  frock  coat  went  a  letter  of  good  advice 

[  ™5  ] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


Bridgeport  from  his  father,  who  begged  him  to  choose  a  room- 
mate of  good  habits  and  piety,  who,  as  he  said, 
would  "unite  with  you  in  daily  Prayer  together  in 
your  room."  He  also  bade  him  "  associate  with  none 
but  the  pious"  if  he  would  keep  "uncontaminated." 
What  father  would  in  these  days  venture  to  give 
this  advice  to  a  son  at  college  or  expect  him  to 
carry  it  out ! 

When  the  time  for  the  New  Year  (not  Christmas) 
vacation  drew  near,  Henry,  who  had  been  at  Am- 
herst only  two  months,  asked  permission  to  go  home. 
His  father's  answer  was:  "The  ensuing  vacation  is 
so  short,  the  distance  so  far,  the  weather  and  travel- 
ing so  uncertain  and  Spring  vacation  so  soon  coming 
round  that  although  we  should  all  be  very  happy  to 
see  you  yet  it  seems  quite  unwise  if  not  childish  to 
come  on  that  occasion.  .  .  .  The  extra  expense  would 
go  a  good  way  towards  buying  you  a  watch  if  you 
should  by  your  proficiency  and  good  Conduct  be 
worthy  of  one  next  Spring." 

Although  the  refusal  was  somewhat  softened  by 
the  suggestion  of  a  watch,  Henry  was  bitterly  dis- 
appointed and  wrote  another  pleading  letter;  but 
his  father,  who  was  probably  longing  to  see  his  boy, 
felt,  nevertheless,  the  importance  of  inculcating  a 
lesson  on  "reason  and  sound  judgment."  He  there- 
fore replied:  "I  am  far  from  upbraiding  you  for 
your  endearing  thoughts  of  home,  of  Parents, 
Brothers  &  Sisters.   I  am  glad  to  know  you  profess 

[   '26  ] 


Family  Ties 

these  tender  and  kindly  feelings.  We  all  possess  the  Bridgeport 
same  towards  you,  and  often  think  and  talk  about 
you,  and  often  I  trust  remember  you  at  the  throne 
of  Grace.  .  .  .  Yet  under  all  circumstances,  we  still 
consider  it  unwise  and  imprudent  for  you  to  think 
of  coming  home  this  short  vacation,  and  hope  you 
will  on  reflection  allow  your  better  judgement  and 
manly  fortitude  to  bring  you  cheerfully  to  the  same 
conclusion." 

Sarah  Edwards,  then  visiting  her  mother,  added 
her  word,  saying  that  there  were  very  many  things 
which  appeared  desirable  and  yet  on  the  whole 
were  not  best  for  one  and  that  the  family  hoped 
that  Henry's  judgment  would  govern  his  feelings. 
"Mother,"  she  added,  "wishes  very  much  she  could 
send  you  a  box  of  cake."  She  then  asked  if  there 
were  any  New  York  boy  returning  to  Amherst  after 
vacation,  and  strangely  enough,  it  was  by  the  hand 
of  Benjamin  L.  Swan,  from  whom  so  much  has  been 
quoted  in  the  earlier  chapters  of  this  book,  that  she 
sent  a  big  box  of  cake  and  goodies  to  her  younger 
brother.  Wheeler  also  sent  a  pair  of  skates,  with  the 
remark,  "  If  you  are  already  supplied  you  can  sell 
them  &  slide  with  the  proceeds." 

Before  January  was  over  Henry's  father  had  oc- 
casion to  write  to  him  that  the  family  were  all  grati- 
fied that  he  had  had  good  sense  and  firmness  enough 
to  overcome  his  homesickness,  not  because  the  feel- 
ing itself  was  discreditable  or  unnatural  but  that  it 

[   I27  ] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


Bridgeport  was  useful  in  all  cases  so  to  discipline  the  mind  as 
to  be  able  to  do  what  is  right,  reasonable,  and  proper, 
rather  than  to  be  governed  by  mere  feeling  or  in- 
clination. 

He  then  alluded  to  the  interest  which  his  son  had 
shown  in  phrenology,  which  he  termed  "utter  fool- 
ishness," and  urged  on  him  rather  the  hope  that  the 
lectures  on  temperance,  especially  as  to  the  use  of 
tobacco,  would  have  a  prohibitory  influence  on  him 
as  long  as  he  lived.  Whether  this  was  the  reason  or 
not,  Henry  certainly  never  used  tobacco  and  was 
always  moderate  in  his  use  of  wine. 

Meanwhile  a  very  disastrous  event  took  place  in 
,  New  York,  "The  Great  Fire  of  1835."  All  of  Mr. 
de  Forest's  sons  and  sons-in-law  lost  heavily  except 
Wheeler,  Mr.  Baldwin,  and  Mr.  Edwards,  and  even 
these  gentlemen  suffered  indirectly  by  failures  which 
the  fire  occasioned.  Some  of  the  sons  were  entirely 
burned  out,  losing  their  buildings,  furniture,  and 
goods  —  a  serious  matter  for  young  men  with  fami- 
lies depending  upon  them. 

In  the  fall  of  1835  Mr.  de  Forest  had  an  interest- 
ing visitor,  Captain  Abel  de  Forest.  He  was  a  first 
cousin  of  Lockwood  and  was  one  of  the  "Four 
brothers  of  Revolutionary  fame/'  Samuel,  Abel, 
Mills,  and  Gideon,  who  had  just  been  holding  at 
Edmeston,  New  York,  where  Gideon's  home  then 
was,  the  reunion  of  which  mention  has  already  been 
made.  Captain  Abel  was  on  his  way  home  with  his 

[   >28  ] 


Family  Ties 

daughter  and  called  to  see  his  kinsman  in  Bridge-   Bridgeport 
port.    Seeing  this  seventy  -  four  -  year  -  old  veteran 
must  have  carried  Lockwood's  thoughts   back  to 
his  own  boyhood  and  the  days  of  war  time  in  his 
father's  inn  at  New  Stratford. 

Many  things  occupied  his  attention  during  the 
winter  of  1836.  New  York  still  had  claims  upon 
him,  as  is  shown  in  his  appointment  by  the  Chamber 
of  Commerce  as  a  member  of  the  Committee  of 
Fifteen  which  was  to  arrange  for  a  celebration  in 
connection  with  the  opening  of  the  Erie  Canal. 
Another  transportation  problem  nearer  home  in- 
terested him  even  more  vitally.  There  began  to  be 
a  great  deal  of  talk  about  building  a  railroad  from 
Bridgeport  up  the  valley  of  the  Housatonic  and  he 
was  very  enthusiastic  over  the  idea  and  did  what 
he  could  to  encourage  it.  In  fact,  he  threw  himself 
heart  and  soul  into  the  project,  becoming  more 
earnest  over  it  than  was  advantageous  for  him  or 
agreeable  for  his  family. 

Public  affairs  had,  however,  to  be  relegated  to  the 
background  before  long  because  so  many  interest- 
ing domestic  ones  came  to  the  fore.  It  was  during 
this  winter  that  one  of  Lockwood  de  Forest's  sons 
wrote  to  tell  his  parents  that  he  had  decided  to  join 
the  church.  Nothing  could  have  given  them  greater 
joy.  This  act  on  his  son's  part  was  as  balm  to  the 
father's  troubled  spirit.  Lockwood  hastened  to 
write:  "Your  thrice  welcome  letter  .  .  .  was  reed. 

[   I29  ] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


Bridgeport  last  evening,  and  its  contents  filled  all  our  hearts, 
with  joy  and  gratitude  to  God  ...  he  has  .  .  . 
'snatched  you  as  a  brand  from  the  burning'  when 
according  to  your  own  present  view,  you  had  nearly 
reached  the  precipice,  whence  so  many  plunged  into 
the  gulph  of  'fiery  billows'  which  roll  below.  Your 
dear  Mother,  Aunt  and  the  boys  were  present,  when 
I  opened  your  letter  &  read  it.  We  were  all  deeply 
affected,  and  most  of  us  wept  for  joy,  that  another 
of  our  dear  children  had  a  hope  that  he  had  chosen 
the  God  of  our  Fathers  for  his  portion  —  had  cast 
himself,  into  the  arms  of  his  precious  Redeemer,  to 
be  kept  by  Him,  through  Sanctification  of  the  Spirit, 
and  belief  of  the  truth,  into  Eternal  redemption." 

Later  he  added:  "Think  of  your  Brothers  and 
Sisters  that  are  still  out  of  the  Ark  of  Safety  and 
exposed  to  death,  and  everlasting  seperation  from 
all  holy  beings,  in  the  world  of  misery  and  wo !  Oh ! 
pray  for  them  ...  let  them  know  that  you  feel  a  deep 
interest  for  their  eternal  welfare  —  and  write  them 
as  often  as  you  can." 

Another  event  excited  great  family  interest. 
Mary  Skinner,  who  had  for  some  time  been  living 
in  a  rented  house  in  Fairfield,  was  eager  to  secure 
a  permanent  home  there,  near  her  parents.  Her 
father  now  found  a  very  good  house  on  Fairfield 
Green  —  the  Green  he  knew  so  well  —  which  he 
bought  for  her  in  May,  1836. 

Now  that  Mary  was  really  established  on  the  old 

[   *3°  ] 


Family  Ties 


Green,  her  father  thought  that  it  should  be  beauti-  Bridgeport 
fied ;  he  therefore  sent  to  a  nursery  back  in  the  coun- 
try at  Redding  and  had  a  fine  lot  of  young  trees 
brought  down  and  planted  around  this  historic  spot. 
Of  course  the  Skinners,  young  and  old,  were  intensely 
interested  in  the  growth  of  these  trees ;  but  alas,  a 
couple  of  years  later  Grandfather  de  Forest  came 
to  call  and  announced  that  the  trees  needed  pruning 
and,  feeling  that  the  person  who  had  paid  for  the 
trees  could  do  as  he  pleased  with  them,  proceeded 
to  prune  them  mercilessly  while  the  Skinner  family, 
dissolved  in  tears,  watched  the  heart-breaking  pro- 
ceeding from  their  front  windows.  The  beautiful 
trees  still  on  Fairfield  Green  are  undoubtedly  the 
better  now  for  this  vigorous  early  trimming. 

The  frequent  visits  between  parents  and  children 
now  became  even  more  frequent.  Mrs.  Skinner  was 
very  hospitably  inclined  and  her  house  was  always 
full,  her  brother  Wheeler  among  others  usually  pass- 
ing part  of  each  summer  with  her.  Like  a  good  old- 
fashioned  New  England  housekeeper,  she  made  her 
own  bread  and  cake,  and  when  her  sisters  and  their 
families  visited  her,  she  often  used  up  a  barrel  of 
flour  in  two  weeks ! 

George,  Mary's  second  brother,  could  not  come 
to  visit  her.  He  had  remained  unmarried  all  these 
years,  but  now  he  wrote  to  tell  his  family  that  he 
was  engaged  to  Miss  Margaret  de  Forest,  a  distant 
relative.  The  family  were  all  delighted  except  little 

[   I3i   ] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


Bridgeport  Fred,  who  sententiously  gave  as  his  opinion,  "Them 
that  marry  do  well  but  those  that  do  not  do  better." 
Fred,  it  should  be  remarked,  continued  to  "do 
better"  until  he  had  reached  the  age  of  forty-one, 
when  he  concluded  that  just  to  "do  well"  was  on 
the  whole  the  more  satisfactory  plan. 

Another  great  pleasure  came  to  Lockwood  de 
Forest  at  just  about  this  time,  probably  as  great 
a  one  as  could  have  been  given  to  him.  His  son 
Wheeler  made  overtures  looking  toward  a  recon- 
ciliation with  his  father.  The  latter  had  evidently 
longed  for  it  and  yet  had  been  so  long  immovable 
that  it  still  seemed  impossible  for  him  to  yield  any- 
thing. Wheeler  wrote  on  March  20,  1836:  — 

Dear  Father 

...  I  understand  from  Mary  that  you  are  disposed 
to  sell  your  interest  in  our  Concern  &  that  you  will  not 
be  in  any  degree  satisfied  with  any  other  arrangement. 
I  had  long  since  resolved  that  I  never  would  purchase 
your  interest  in  this  way,  or  in  any  other  way  except 
by  an  equal  division,  but  under  all  circumstances  the 
mode  you  propose  may  lead  to  a  more  amicable  adjust- 
ment, than  the  one  I  have  already  advised  through  my 
Uncle,  viz.  to  take  my  own  name  after  the  1st  of  May. 

I  am  willing  to  make  the  attempt  provided  you  will 
make  the  terms  &  price  so  that  I  can  accomplish  them. 
To  enable  you  to  form  a  correct  estimate  as  to  our 
affairs  I  shall  be  most  happy  to  see  you  here  &  to  give 
you  every  satisfaction  as  to  the  state  of  the  Concern,  or 
if  you  prefer  it,  I  will  transmit  our  balance  sheet  to- 
gether with  a  list  of  assets.   I  must  remark  here  that  it 

[   l22  ] 


Family  Ties 

will  be  quite  impossible  for  me  to  comply  with  your  Bridgeport 
former  conditions  viz.  to  give  my  own  Bond  (with  a 
satisfactory  surety)  that  I  would  pay  all  the  debts  of 
the  Concern  etc.  etc.  and  that  I  should  give  satisfac- 
tory endorsed  Notes  for  the  Amt.  of  your  interest.  I 
am  willing  to  give  my  own  Bond  that  I  will  pay  the 
debts  etc.  &  I  will  endeavour  to  arrange  satisfactorily 
for  any  sum  which  we  may  agree  upon  for  your  interest 
in  all  the  concerns  &  all  the  property  &  Debts  of  the 
three  concerns. 

I  make  these  preliminary  explanations  to  avoid  de- 
lays hereafter,  it  would  be  far  more  agreeable  to  me, 
that  we  should  share  the  responsibilities  of  outstanding 
notes  &  debts  equally  &  I  feel  very  unwilling  to  take 
the  whole  responsibility  but  as  I  have  before  remarked 
I  am  willing  to  make  sacrifices  if  we  can  only  adjust  our 
difficulties  &  at  least  live  in  comparative  peace.  It  is 
very  easy  to  see  that  I  could  give  more  for  your  inter- 
ests if  the  responsibilities  were  shared  than  I  could  do 
when  obliged  to  guarantee  your  proportion,  as  it  is 
quite  clear  that  you  are  more  responsible  &  will  be  if 
our  concern  is  dissolved  in  any  other  way. 

You  will  please  say  whether  I  may  expect  you  here 
or  whether  I  shall  send  you  the  papers,  in  the  hope  that 
you  will  receive  this  communication,  in  the  same  spirit 
which  has  dictated  it,  I  am,  Yr  Son 

Wm.  W.  De  Forest. 

The  matter  simmered  until  the  following  July, 
when  Wheeler  made  a  visit  to  his  father  in  Bridge- 
port, during  which  they  presumably  talked  over  a 
possible  settlement.  Then  Mr.  de  Forest  and  his 
devoted  wife  undertook  a  trip  to  New  York,  the 

[  *33  ] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


Bridgeport  first,  apparently,  that  they  had  made  since  they  left 
there  about  three  years  before.  While  there  the  fa- 
ther went  to  the  store  in  South  Street  every  day, 
and  he  and  Wheeler  took  long  drives  together.  The 
parents  met  all  their  married  children  and  their 
grandchildren  and  the  time  passed  most  pleasantly. 
On  July  23  rd  —  about  three  years  after  the  quarrel 
began  —  Lockwood  de  Forest  wrote  to  Henry  that 
he  and  Wheeler  had  closed  up  all  their  partnership 
affairs  and  that  Wheeler  would  conduct  the  business 
thereafter  on  his  own  account.  Imagine  the  tears 
and  the  heartfelt  thanks  which  Lockwood  and 
Mehetabel  offered  up  now  that  the  nightmare  was 
ended  and  the  "delusion"  over! 

One  of  their  daughters,  too,  made  a  touching  allu- 
sion to  the  long,  sad  struggle  in  a  letter  she  wrote 
many  years  later  to  her  brother  Henry:  "You  ask 
me  if  I  am  at  times  conscious  of  an  undue  mental 
excitement,  my  thoughts  resting  upon  one  subject. 
I  have  been  in  that  condition  —  and  think  I  can  in 
a  measure  realize  how  great  a  trial  and  discipline 
our  dear  Father  passed  through.  His  release  from 
the  delusion  seems  to  me  now  a  sensible  manifesta- 
tion of  God's  love  to  him  and  us  —  and  it  would  be 
interesting  to  know  in  what  way  the  Spirit  led  and 
guided  his  mind  into  a  state  of  submissive  peace- 
fulness." 

Wheeler  was  perhaps  happier  than  any  one  else ; 
he  immediately  resumed  in  the  family  home  his 

[  134] 


Family  Ties 

wonted  place  as  eldest  and  much  beloved  son.   His   Bridgeport 
younger  brother  Henry  has  written  an  appreciation 
of  Wheeler  which  is  very  interesting  and  touching 
and  might  be  included  in  this  place :  — 

My  brother  Wheeler  had  blue  eyes  like  our  father's, 
a  thin  beard  &  became  bald  at  forty.  He  was  rather 
under  the  average  size,  but  not  a  small  man  &  up  to  the 
age  of  seventy  was  very  active  on  his  feet.  The  early 
sea  life  which  he  had  experienced  contributed  greatly 
to  invigorate  his  constitution.  He  had  remarkable 
nervous  power,  was  perfectly  fearless  of  personal  dan- 
ger, always  too  ready  for  an  encounter  when  attacked 
or  threatened,  &  I  never  heard  of  his  coming  off  second 
best!  .  .  . 

Wheeler  was  not  a  member  of  any  church.  .  .  .  But 
I  feel  confident  that  he  was  a  sincere  believer.  .  .  .  His 
faults  were  those  of  an  impulsive  nature.  He  regretted 
them  &  strove  to  square  his  life  by  Christian  rules.  He 
was  upright  as  he  was  enterprising,  &  always  main- 
tained the  reputation  of  an  honorable  merchant.  He 
was  beloved  by  his  inferiors,  &  no  one  would  more 
readily  stand  up  for  the  weak  &  defenceless  than  he. 
He  had  our  mother's  intuitive  insight,  &  rarely  made  a 
mistake  in  his  judgment  of  men.  ...  I  do  not  recollect 
a  single  instance  where  he  erred  in  his  estimate.  He  was 
very  quick  to  resent  an  injury,  but  eminently  forgiving, 
&  revenge  was  no  part  of  his  nature.  If  he  felt  that  he 
had  injured  anyone,  he  could  not  rest  till  he  had  made 
it  right  by  explanation  or  apology.  .  .  . 

Daniel  Lord,  as  well  as  Wheeler,  was  now  rein- 
stated in  Mr.  de  Forest's  good  graces  and  wrote  to 

[  '35  ] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


Bridgeport  another  member  of  the  family:  "I  made  a  visit  to 
Bridgeport  and  had  quite  a  pleasant  time.  Your 
father  &  I  most  fortunately  agreed  on  every  matter 
which  we  happened  to  talk  about." 

So  peace  reigned  once  more  in  the  family. 

Brother  William  and  Sister  Betsey,  as  well  as  all 
the  sons  and  daughters,  rejoiced  over  the  termina- 
tion of  the  quarrel.  Sister  Betsey  had  been  left  at 
Bridgeport  to  look  after  the  house  and  the  younger 
children  during  the  absence  of  the  parents  in  New 
York.  When  Betsey  was  thus  left  alone  her  sister 
Abby  —  "Aunt  Lewis"  —  usually  came  to  keep  her 
company  and  help  her  in  the  household. 

A  few  further  words  regarding  this  gentle  Aunt 
Lewis  may  not  be  uninteresting.  She  was,  as  we 
know,  four  years  older  than  her  brother  Lockwood. 
She  was  considered  a  sort  of  saint  by  some  of  the 
younger  generation.  After  Mrs.  Skinner  and  her 
family  went  to  live  in  Fairfield,  Aunt  Lewis  for  a 
long  time  made  her  home  with  them.  She  had  rather 
weak  eyes  and  the  children  had  to  read  aloud  to  her, 
which  they  considered  somewhat  of  a  penance,  espe- 
cially as  they  were  always  expected  to  read  seri- 
ous or  even  "pious"  books.  It  was  the  especial 
duty  of  Mrs.  Skinner's  daughter  Mary  to  read  the 
"  Missionary  Herald  "  to  Aunt  Lewis,  and  the  latter 
never  allowed  her  to  skip  a  single  word,  not  even  an 
advertisement.  Little  Mary  would  read  on  and  on 
till  she  thought  she  should  go  crazy. 

[  136  ] 


Family  Ties 

As  the  children  grew  older,  they  became  inter-  Bridgeport 
ested  in  reading  novels  to  each  other,  among  others, 
" The  Last  Days  of  Pompeii."  Aunt  Lewis  happened 
to  come  into  the  room  while  this  was  going  on  and 
became  much  absorbed.  After  dinner  was  the  time 
for  her  nap,  but  just  as  the  reading  was  resumed, 
in  came  Aunt  Lewis,  saying,  to  the  great  amuse- 
ment of  the  girls,  "  I  must  hear  how  she  gets  out 
of  his  clutches"! 

She  loved  to  tell  the  children  stories  of  her  girl- 
hood, of  the  old  times  in  New  Stratford,  when  all 
the  girls  that  were  "of  any  account "  made  their  own 
sheets  and  other  household  linen  and  had  it  ready 
and  marked  before  they  were  eighteen  years  old  in 
anticipation  of  getting  married.  When  asked  if  she 
also  had  done  this,  she  always  replied  emphatically, 
"Yes,  indeed  I  did,  and  so  did  my  sisters." 

When  in  1845  Mrs.  Skinner  left  Fairfield  and 
moved  to  New  Haven,  Aunt  Lewis  went  to  live  in 
Bridgeport  with  her  half-brother,  Charles,  and  his 
second  wife,  and  was  with  them  for  the  last  years  of 
her  life.  She  died  in  Bridgeport  in  1857,  aged  eighty- 
seven  years. 

Aunt  Lewis  was  certainly  peculiar.  Among  other 
things,  she  always  disliked  the  music  of  the  piano, 
and  when  it  interrupted  her  devotions  she  said  that 
she  had  rather  hear  thunder.  She  was  very  partic- 
ular, also,  about  her  bed  and  bedding  and  could 
never  endure  springs  or  modern  bedsteads,  but  until 

[  l27  ] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


Bridgeport  the  time  of  her  death  used  her  old  low-post,  corded 
bedstead  with  its  straw  bed,  feather  bed,  valance, 
plaid  homespun  blankets,  and  the  linen  sheets  of  her 
girlhood. 

At  the  time  of  her  death  she  left  thirty  pairs 
of  these  precious  sheets  (all  marked  with  tiny  red 
cross-stitch  letters,  half  with  "A"  for  Abby  and 
half  with  "P"  for  Polly)  to  the  sister-in-law  with 
whom  she  then  lived,  and  at  the  same  time  left  to 
her  dear  sister  Betsey  her  treasured  "fashionable" 
silver  teaspoons  and  her  six  "old  fashioned,  coffin 
shaped"  ones. 

Both  Aunt  Lewis  and  Aunt  Betsey  could  always 
be  counted  on  to  help  in  the  de  Forest  household, 
and  their  services  were  greatly  needed  in  October, 
1836,  when  their  brother  Lockwood's  youngest 
daughter,  Louisa,  the  only  one  left  at  home,  was 
married  to  Mr.  Samuel  M.  Woodruff.  Henry's 
father  wrote  to  him,  "It  was  rather  a  grave  digni- 
fied &  solemn  time,  than  a  merry  and  trifling  one." 
Fred's  account  was  in  quite  another  key:  — 

I  suppose  you  will  like  to  know  how  Louisa  was 
married.  I  will  now  tell  you  as  much  as  I  remember 
althoug  you  must  not  laugh  if  I  do  not  make  good 
grammar 

Louisa  was  married  in  mothers  room  The  room  was 
cleaned  out  and  the  bedstead  was  taken  down.  Some 
of  the  cake  was  made  in  Fairfield  By  Diana  but  the 
best  was  made  to  home  by  Cousin  Mary  Lockwood  and 
Mother.  Louisa  was  dressed  in  a  whitish  sateen  dress 

[  '38  ] 


Family  Ties 

with  straight  sleeves  like  a  man  and  a  pocethandker-    Bridgeport 

chief  in  her  hand  that  they  said  cost  fifty  dollars.  Just 

as  the  doors  was  opened  Louisa  burst  out  a  laughing 

but  stoped   in   about    two  or    three   seconds.    After 

Mr.  Hewitt  had  done  talking  Mr.  Woodruff  kissed 

Louisa. 

Wheeler's  description  was  again  different:  — 

I  was  sorry  not  to  meet  you  at  the  wedding,  but  you 
did  not  lose  much,  it  was  on  the  whole  more  like  a 
conference  meeting  than  a  wedding.  The  joke  was  they 
wanted  me  to  sing  for  their  amusement,  "The  Burial 
of  Sir  John  Moore,"  which  I  did  not  consider  exactly 
appropriate. 

After  the  wedding  the  family  were  thoroughly 
tired  out,  and  Aunt  Betsey,  upon  whom  much  of  the 
burden  had  fallen,  was  sent  to  New  York  to  visit 
some  of  her  relatives  for  a  week  to  get  a  little  rest 
and  vacation.  Uncle  William  apparently  went  with 
her.  They  must  have  belonged  quite  noticeably  to 
the  class  of  "country  cousins,"  especially  Uncle 
William.  He  declined  to  eat  with  a  silver  fork,  say- 
ing, "Take  it  away,  I  had  just  as  lief  eat  with  a 
baby's  paw."  After  that  a  three-tined  steel  fork 
was  always  kept  in  the  house  for  his  especial  use. 
After  his  return  to  Bridgeport  his  family  were  much 
amused  to  find  in  his  pockets  a  large  collection  of 
buttons,  pins,  strings,  etc.,  which  he  had  picked  up 
in  the  streets  of  New  York.  As  for  Aunt  Betsey,  her 
principal  amusement  was  going  to  church. 

[   J39    ] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


Bridgeport  In  February,  1837,  Lockwood  too  started  on  a 
journey,  going  into  a  part  of  the  country  then  quite 
unknown  to  him.  He  went  to  Washington  to  see 
the  inauguration  of  President  Van  Buren.  He  was 
two  days  continuously  in  the  stage-coach  and  during 
this  time  the  weather  was  stormy  and  the  roads 
terribly  bad.  When  they  came  to  the  Susquehanna, 
sledloads  of  passengers  were  drawn  across  the  river, 
three  men  pulling  each  load,  as  the  ice  would  not 
hold  horses.  No  wonder  our  traveller  pronounced 
it  "tedious  and  hazardous." 

Of  Washington  he  said,  "Aside  from  the  Public 
buildings  Washington  is  not  much  of  a  place,  not 
being  a  place  of  any  business  except  what  grows 
out  of  its  being  the  seat  of  Congress."  He  had  in- 
terviews with  both  the  new  and  old  presidents 
and  heard  most  of  the  great  men  of  the  nation 
speak  in  debate.  It  was  altogether  an  interesting 
visit. 

After  his  return  home  he  had  to  devote  his  atten- 
tion to  the  management  of  his  two  younger  sons, 
Jim  and  Fred.  They  were  not  bad  in  any  way  but 
very  full  of  mischief  and  difficult  to  control.  The 
father  wrote  regarding  them,  "I  fear  our  boys  do 
not  learn  much,  they  spend  all  the  time  they  can 
steal  sliding  down  hill."  Once  they  both  ran  away 
from  school  but  the  father  promptly  whipped  them 
and  sent  them  back.  As  for  the  mother,  a  member 
of  the  family  once  said,  "She  never  spoke  a  cross 

[   J4o  ] 


Family  Ties 

word  to  her  children,  although  the  younger  boys   Bridgeport 
acted  like  Old  Harry." 

Henry,  who  was  still  at  Amherst,  did  not  give  so 
much  trouble  as  his  younger  brothers,  but  he  was 
not  perfect  either.  At  one  time  a  letter  was  received 
speaking  of  his  "neglect  of  duty  after  many  notices 
and  warnings."  The  family  were  panic-stricken; 
they  almost  felt  as  if  Henry  were  lost  forever.  Uncle 
William  besought  him  by  the  affection  he  held  for 
his  father  and  mother  to  do  everything  that  would 
promote  his  best  good.  His  sister  Louisa  wrote  that 
she  feared  the  consequences  of  these  irregularities 
on  her  dear  mother's  health,  that  her  mother  had 
said,  "If  Henry  should  be  sent  home  from  college 
it  would  almost  break  your  father's  and  my  hearts," 
and  that  her  "tears  and  anguish"  were  most  pa- 
thetic. His  father  bade  him  consider  himself  "a 
delinquent"  and  said  that  his  conduct  was  "sub- 
versive to  the  best  good  of  the  student,  the  best 
interest  of  the  College,  and  of  a  solemn  and  import- 
ant duty  due  to  Parents  and  Guardians."  Poor 
Henry!  He  was  not  the  only  boy  who  had  ever 
occasioned  a  "letter  home." 

He  was  exceedingly  anxious  to  have  charge  of  his 
own  funds.  His  father  wrote  to  him :  — 

Altho  generally  a  dangerous  thing  to  entrust  money 
with  young  men  in  your  situation,  I  am  aware  that 
there  are  exceptions  —  and  I  would  fain  hope  that  you 
are  one.  .  .  .  Could  you  assure  yourself  of  sufficient  skill 

[  Mi  ] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


Bridgeport  prudence  &  calculation,  to  appropriate  it  judiciously 
&  economically  —  to  send  home  to  me  a  monthly  ac- 
count in  detail  of  your  expenditures,  and  the  exact 
state  of  your  Bank  account  —  together  with  an  esti- 
mate of  required  expenses  for  the  month  next  ensuing 

—  I  don't  know  but  I  might  think  it  expedient  to  make 
the  experiment  —  for  I  well  know  that  prudent  young 
men  derive  great  benefit  from  making  their  own  bar- 
gains &  laying  out  funds  themselves. 

Ten  days  later  the  father  sent  Henry  $80  with  fur- 
ther injunctions,  urging  on  him  not  to  lend  money; 
for  it  was  not  his  for  such  a  purpose,  and  he  could 
always  get  off  when  applied  to,  on  this  plea. 

With  regard  to  the  accuracy  of  the  accounts  the 
father  was  also  very  particular,  as  may  be  seen  by 
a  later  note : — 

According  to  your  statement  you  had  from  home  $85 

—  Your  traveling  expense  &  bill  paid,  you  foot  $74.45 
leaving  a  balce.  in  hand  you  say  of  about  $2.50  —  but 
I  should  say  10.55  —  exactly  —  however  there  may  be 
more  science  in  College  Mathematics,  than  I  am  aware 
of.  .  .  . 

I  call  your  attention  to  these  things,  not  because  I 
think  you  are  very  extravagant  but  to  shew  that  you 
dont  figure  correctly.  .  .  . 

You  say  you  can  certainly  get  to  the  end  of  the  term 
with  $20  —  But  willing  you  should  have  some  in  your 
pocket  —  I  send  you  annexed  a  Check  on  the  Bank 
here  for  $30. 

On  the  whole,  Henry  stood  in  good  favor  after 
this.  His  father  commented  on  the  excellent  reports 

[   H2  ] 


Family  Ties 

received  and  expressed  a  trust  that  he  would  be  Bridgeport 
"an  honour  to  the  name  — as  a  Man,  a  Scholar 
&  a  Christian."  The  mother,  although  her  husband 
assured  Henry  that  she  had  not  a  leisure  moment 
in  which  to  write,  found  time  to  send  him  a  little 
letter.  "I  understand  that  your  improvement  is 
remarked  by  others,  but  —  be  not  vain,"  said  she. 

Wheeler,  who  was  always  so  much  interested  in 
Henry's  improvement,  wrote  many  letters  of  good 
advice,  from  which  some  extracts  are  here  given. 

1836,  Dec.  1.  Your  handwriting  is  certainly  very  fair 
for  a  Scholar,  but  I  wish  you  would  improve  it  as  one 
of  these  days  I  may  be  glad  to  see  you  perhaps  as  De 
Forest  &  Brother,  which  would  make  a  good  title  to 

go  by. 

1836,  Dec.  26  (concerning  an  Honor).  In  all  situa- 
tions of  life  there  is  nothing  so  well  calculated  to  pro- 
mote a  man's  temporal  welfare  as  unceasing,  persevering 
industry,  &  a  thorough  knowledge  of  the  business  in 
which  he  is  engaged,  &  it  must  be  apparent  to  you  that 
these  habits  of  industry  so  essential  to  his  prosperity 
are  best  formed  in  early  life.  If,  therefore,  the  obtain- 
ing an  honor  is  productive  of  no  other  good—  it  will  be 
at  all  events  the  means  of  keeping  up  your  ambition  & 
your  industry  &  I  am  sure  you  must  admit  that  he  who 
possesses  these  in  an  eminent  degree  stands  the  best 
chance  of  becoming  not  only  an  honorable,  but  also 
prosperous  member  of  society  ...  if  you  get  no  honor 
this  time,  be  sure  you  get  one  next. 

1837,  Mar.  3.  I  do  not  much  wonder  that  you  feel 
rather  melancholy  at  the  outset  of  the  term,  but  this 

[    H3   ] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


Bridgeport  must  vanish  when  you  are  once  fairly  at  work;  there  is 
nothing  so  agreeable  to  me  as  constant  employment, 
particularly  if  I  am  to  derive  a  benefit  from  it.  Now 
your  benefit  is  certain  &  the  remuneration  depends  on 
yourself. 

I  approve  of  your  ideas  as  to  the  Law.  It  is  the  pro- 
fession of  all  others  that  I  should  prefer,  but  to  succeed 
in  this  profession  you  must  have  your  head  well  lined, 
not  only  with  Law,  but  with  every  other  class  of  learn- 
ing to  make  the  law  available.  One  thing  I  consider  of 
the  greatest  importance,  it  is  that  you  should  begin 
early  to  make  choice  of  the  very  best  language,  not 
only  in  writing,  but  in  conversation,  avoiding  the  local 
terms  &  Americanisms  which  pervade  our  language  at 
the  present  day,  you  will  enjoy  great  advantages  not 
only  in  obtaining  but  in  prosecuting  your  profession,  as 
your  connection  is  extensive  &  influential. 

I  hope  to  leave  this  for  Europe  in  course  of  the  sum- 
mer, &  should  be  delighted  to  take  you  along  if  your 
education  was  completed. 

1838,  Feb.  2.  No  man,  woman  or  Boy  can  have 
good  health  &  a  proper  use  of  his  mental  faculties,  with- 
out exercise  in  the  open  air  ...  I  hold  that  a  man  had 
better  be  a  common  sawyer  of  wood,  or  a  carrier  of 
water,  with  half  enough  to  eat  &  good  health,  than  to 
have  the  wealth  of  the  Indies  without  it  .  .  .  come 
what  will,  take  your  exercise  every  day,  rain  or 
shine.  .  .  . 

If  you  have  a  master  take  Dancing  lessons.  If  not, 
take  boxing  or  fencing,  if  there  is  neither  then  Box 
among  yourselves,  but  mind,  don't  get  angry,  if  you  do 
you  will  get  thrashed  as  no  one  can  box  who  cannot 
keep  cool,  quite  cool. 


[   J44  ] 


Family  Ties 

Wheeler's  health  was  not  at  this  time  so  good  as  Bridgeport 
it  had  been.  He  had  always  worked  very  hard  and 
his  eyes  now  troubled  him  so  that  it  was  almost 
impossible  for  him  to  use  them.  He  therefore  de- 
cided to  take  a  holiday  in  Europe  and  as  a  travelling 
companion  took  with  him  a  gentleman  who  was  in 
the  habit  of  reading  aloud  to  him.  They  sailed  on 
July  8,  1838,  remaining  abroad  over  a  year,  when 
Wheeler  returned  very  much  improved  in  health. 

During  Wheeler's  absence  he  wrote  to  Henry 
about  the  importance  of  a  knowledge  of  foreign 
languages.  "Let  me  entreat  you  to  improve  your 
present  advantages,  the  world  has  grown  so  wise 
that  a  young  man  must  know  a  great  deal,  &  be  thor- 
oughly educated  to  maintain  a  decent  standing 
among  men  that  are  full  grown,  &,  among  other 
things,  do  not  fail  to  learn  French,  without  this  no 
man  can  pass  muster.  I  know  just  enough  of  the 
language  to  experience  the  mortification  of  not  know- 
ing more.  Without  French  no  young  man  can  appear 
in  society  on  the  Continent,  but  with  English  and 
French  you  may  go  where  you  like,  but  I  find  almost 
all  the  educated  men  of  the  present  day,  know  Ger- 
man also,  &  it  is  very  easy  to  learn  any  language 
after  knowing  Greek  &  Latin  —  so,  push  on,  my 
dear  Boy,  &  do  not  permit  yourself  to  rest  until  you 
know  French." 

This  letter  arrived  in  the  fall  of  1838,  when  Henry- 
was  recovering  from  an  attack  of  typhus  fever,  with 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


Bridgeport  which  he  had  been  ill  for  a  long  time.  His  father 
and  mother  went  up  to  Amherst  to  be  with  him,  but 
his  recovery  was  slow.  He  was  finally  able  to  return 
to  Bridgeport  for  the  New  Year  holiday.  There  he 
read  Shakespeare  aloud  to  some  of  his  cousins,  much 
to  his  own  pleasure  as  well  as  theirs.  He  found  his 
father  in  very  good  spirits  and  they  got  on  remark- 
ably well  together.  What  followed  will  be  told  in 
Henry's  own  words:  "Relying  upon  my  good  be- 
haviour &  confident  that  my  request  would  be 
granted,  I  asked  him  to  make  me  a  New  Year's 
present  of  Shakspeare.  But  the  old  gentleman 
stared  most  exceeding  hard  at  me,  &  advised  me 
rather  to  employ  myself  in  the  regular  College  stud- 
ies than  meddle  with  such  works  as  Shakspeare's. 
This  reply  forcibly  reminded  me  of  an  anathema 
thundered  out  against  the  same  author  by  a  certain 
rigid  Puritan.  'To  Tophet  with  his  wicked  book, 
and  to  the  Vale  of  Rimmon  with  his  accursed  bones/ 
I  really  believe  that  Father  would  rather  Shak- 
speare had  never  lived,  but  here  I  can't  agree  with 
him." 

While  recording  all  these  happenings,  we  must  not 
forget  a  very  important  one,  the  birth  on  January 
8,  1838,  of  Louisa's  little  son.  Louisa  was  herself 
the  youngest  daughter  and  had  always  been  a  great 
pet,  and  so  when  her  son  was  born,  she  promptly 
named  him  after  her  father.  None  of  Lockwood  de 
Forest's  grandchildren  had  ever  been  named  for 

[  146] 


PORTRAIT  OF  LOCKWOOD   DE   FOREST,   1 838,   PROBABLY   BY   SAMUEL   WALDO 

Owned  by  Samuel  Downer 


Family  Ties 

him,  and  he  was  immensely  pleased.  He  gave  the  Bridgeport 
boy  "#ioo.,  a  silver  cup,  &c.,"  and  he  and  his  wife 
immediately  began  to  plan  a  visit  to  Albany  to  see 
Louisa  and  the  new  little  Lockwood.  Such  a  trip 
was  not,  however,  to  be  lightly  undertaken.  It 
meant  fatiguing  journeys  in  stage-coaches  and  was 
not  so  simple  a  matter  as  to  get  in  the  gig  and, 
driving  Peacock  and  Pedlar,  go  over  to  Fairfield  to 
see  Mary. 

Lockwood,  though  always  fond  of  horses,  showed 
less  judgment  in  purchasing  them  than  did  his  son 
Wheeler.  After  Peacock  and  Pedlar,  his  first  span, 
had  ceased,  for  some  reason,  to  be  satisfactory,  there 
came  a  succession  of  others,  all  giving  Mr.  de  Forest 
more  or  less  trouble  and  anxiety.  Jim,  who  was  al- 
ways a  horse  lover,  once  wrote  to  Henry:  "A  short 
time  after  you  went  away  one  of  the  yellow,  big, 
twin  horses  got  lame,  and  the  other  had  the  blind 
staggers  and  Father  seeing  a  span  of  blacks  took 
them  on  trial.  .  .  .  One  of  these  black  horses  had  a 
large  swelling  on  one  of  his  fore  legs.  Well !  Father 
took  a  liking  to  the  sound  black  horse,  so  he  swaped 
Uncle's  horse  for  him,  and  gave  something  for  him 
to  boot.  So  you  see  Father  has  three  horses,  but 
not  a  pair  that  he  could  use.  Well !  one  day  he  saw 
two  horses  very  much  alike ;  they  were  white,  with 
blue-black  spots,  and  long  white  tails  &  manes  what 
you  call  real  beauties.  He  bought  them  and  in- 
creased his  number  to  five,  and  he  is  now  on  the 

[  "47  ] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


Bridgeport  lookout  for  a  mate  for  the  black.  The  black  is  a 
three  minute  horse  and  as  you  might  know  he  has 
a  sore  tail,  having  been  nicked." 

Sometimes  Mr.  de  Forest  found  good  horses  in 
Bridgeport,  even  "three  minute  horses,"  and  some- 
times he  was  seen  in  New  York  on  Broadway  — 
surely  not  a  possible  locality  for  such  an  exhibition 
nowadays  —  watching  a  showy  pair  as  they  were 
driven  up  and  down  before  him  to  show  off  their 
fine  points  and  their  good  gaits. 

He  bought  a  good  pair  of  light  bays,  twins,  and 
sent  them  to  a  Mr.  Frink  at  Amherst  to  be  trained 
and  to  have  their  tails  docked.  Mr.  Frink  kept 
them  a  long  time  and  then  sent  word  through  Henry 
that  the  ends  of  their  tails  "stuck  up"  and  that  one 
of  them  kicked!  Mr.  de  Forest  was  in  a  state  of 
great  exasperation  but  left  the  horses  with  Mr. 
Frink  a  little  longer,  hoping  that  the  tails  would  be- 
come less  aspiring.  When  the  pair  were  returned  to 
Bridgeport,  their  owner  was  even  more  irate.  They 
were  very  thin.  On  weighing  them,  he  found  that 
they  had  actually  lost  two  hundred  and  five  pounds 
during  the  four  weeks  of  their  absence;  "4  lbs.  of 
flesh  a  day  on  each  horse,"  said  Mr.  de  Forest,  who 
thought  that  they  could  hardly  have  been  more  re- 
duced and  yet  have  been  kept  alive.  He  said  that 
he  was  ashamed  to  have  them  seen.  Soon  after 
he  decided  to  sell  them  for  what  they  would  bring 
him. 


[  148] 


PORTRAIT  OF   MRS.    LOCKWOOD   DE   FOREST,  ABOUT    1 83  8 
BY   WALDO   AND  JEWETT 

Owned  by  Robert  W.  de  Forest 


Family  Ties 

But  he  was  thoroughly  satisfied  with  the  pair  Bridgeport 
of  white  and  black  spotted  horses.  He  called  them 
"The  Leopards,"  and  wrote,  "They  are  a  dead 
match  &  really  beautiful.  They  are  of  Arabian 
breed  —  white  with  promiscuous  blue-black  spots 
—  long  white  tails,  both  handsome  &  fine  travellers." 
Mr.  de  Forest  had  grown  to  be  fond  of  a  certain 
amount  of  show,  though  he  would  probably  not 
have  acknowledged  that  this  was  true,  and  so  he 
felt  that  he  must  get  something  very  fine  to  match 
the  Leopards.  He  therefore  bought  a  white  sleigh, 
the  front  runners  of  which  terminated  in  swans* 
heads,  and  filled  it  with  white  fur  robes.  In  this 
turnout,  which  was  considered  wonderfully  elegant, 
driving  his  white  Leopards  with  the  promiscuous 
blue-black  spots  and  long  tails,  he  used  to  go  about 
the  country  enjoying  very  much  the  sensation 
which  he  created  but  without  in  any  way  showing 
that  he  did  so. 

In  the  summer  of  1840  Henry  graduated  very 
creditably  from  Amherst,  and  according  to  his 
strongly  expressed  desire,  went  in  September,  1840, 
to  New  Haven  to  take  a  course  in  the  Law  School 
there.  He  was  joined  by  his  nephew,  Daniel  D. 
Lord,  and  they  had  great  pleasure  in  studying  to- 
gether. Meanwhile  both  Jim  and  Fred,  following 
Henry's  example,  went  to  Amherst. 

Up  to  this  time  Lockwood  had  not  had  any  ap- 
parent interest  in  preserving  family  records,  but  his 

[   H9  ] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


Bridgeport  visit  to  his  two  aged  relatives  a  few  years  before 
probably  turned  his  thoughts  in  this  direction  and 
in  1838  he  decided  to  buy  a  Family  Bible  and  to 
inscribe  therein  all  the  data  which  he  could  collect. 
Without  these  valuable  records  how  few  of  the  old 
dates  should  we  now  be  able  to  verify  and  yet  how 
we  wish  that  he  had  written  more  fully!  One  page 
is  devoted  to  items  relating  to  the  de  Forest  family 
and  one  to  those  of  the  Wheeler  family.  Then  fol- 
low the  records  of  births,  marriages,  and  deaths  in 
his  personal  family. 

On  the  first  page  of  all  he  wrote  a  very  fine  exhor- 
tation to  his  descendants,  which  is  here  copied  ver- 
batim. 

With  a  view  to  secure  this  Bible,  and  my  family  record 
contained  in  it,  in  the  possession  of  my  male  descend- 
ants to  the  latest  possible  period  —  I  do  hereby  be- 
queath it  to  my  eldest  son  who  shall  be  living  at  my 
decease,  to  be  handed  down  from  one  eldest  male  de- 
scendant to  another,  as  they  shall  successively  decease, 
as  long  as  my  male  lineal  descendants  shall  exist. 

And  I  earnestly  enjoin  it  upon  each  of  them,  into 
whose  possession  this  book  may  come  as  above  pro- 
vided, to  insert  in  it,  his  own  family  record,  extending  it 
as  far  as  may  be  to  the  families  of  his  brethren. 

And  firmly  believing  it  myself  to  be  the  infalli- 
ble word  of  God,  and  its  precepts  and  doctrines  to 
be  divinely  inspired,  I  do  affectionately  and  solemnly 
enjoin  it  upon  each  and  all  of  them,  to  make  its  divine 
instructions,  precepts  and  doctrines,  their  only  safe  and 
sufficient  rule  of  Faith  and  practice,  as  long  as  they 

[   '5°  ] 


Family  Ties 

live.   And  may  God  add  his  blessing  to  me  and  to  my    Bridgeport 
household,  to  my  children  and  my  childrens  children, 
to  their  latest  posterity,  for  our  great  Redeemers  sake 
Amen. 

Bridgeport  28th  June  1838. 

Lockwood  De  Forest. 

Mr.  de  Forest  kept  up  these  family  records  till 
the  time  of  his  death,  his  sons  did  the  same  as  long 
as  any  of  them  still  lived,  and  the  book  is  now  in 
the  possession  of  his  grandson,  Robert  W.  de  Forest, 
the  "eldest  male  descendant"  of  Lockwood  de  For- 
est who  is  now  living.  The  records  have  been  con- 
tinued as  accurately  as  possible,  but  the  family 
circle  has  enlarged  to  such  proportions  that  some 
years  ago  it  was  deemed  advisable  hereafter  to  con- 
tinue only  the  records  of  those  bearing  the  name 
of  de  Forest  —  "the  families  of  his  brethren,"  as 
Lockwood  de  Forest  put  it. 

Early  in  the  winter  of  1840  Mr.  de  Forest  and  his 
wife  paid  another  long  visit  to  New  York  and  before 
they  returned  to  Bridgeport  authorized  Wheeler  to 
find  a  house  for  them,  the  father  having  come  to 
a  "full  determination  to  establish  there"  and  the 
mother  having  "fixed  her  heart  upon  it"  —  a  rather 
characteristic  difference  in  their  way  of  viewing 
things. 

Apparently  the  project  of  the  Housatonic  Railroad 
had  been  weighing  rather  too  heavily  upon  Mr.  de 

[  '5'  ] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


Bridgeport  Forest,  who  was  "completely  infatuated,"  as  one  of 
his  sons  said,  and  Wheeler  had  at  last  persuaded 
him  to  "give  over  the  railroad,"  hoping  that  he 
would  then  "keep  clear  of  the  Philistines,"  as  he 
called  the  projectors  of  the  road.  This  may  have 
been  one  reason  why  the  family  was  so  anxious  to 
persuade  the  father  to  move  away  from  Bridgeport. 

Peaceful  Days  at  Last 

New  York  A  whole  year  went  by  before  the  right  dwelling 
in  New  York  was  found,  but  on  February  i,  1841, 
Lockwood  de  Forest  finally  purchased  a  house,  No. 
13  St.  Mark's  Place,1  then  a  fashionable  locality. 
The  property  included  one  twenty-five  foot  lot  on 
St.  Mark's  Place  and  two  lots  to  the  south  facing  on 
Seventh  Street,  which  gave  the  family  space  for  a 
lovely  garden.  For  all  this  Mr.  de  Forest  paid  a 
little  over  #15,000.  He  was  evidently  attracted  to 
this  neighborhood  because  his  daughter,  Jane  Wake- 
man,  lived  on  the  opposite  side  of  St.  Mark's  Place. 
The  alterations  in  the  house  offered  a  new  outlet 
for  Mr.  de  Forest's  activity.  It  had  a  "tea  room" 
in  the  rear  of  the  first  floor,  which  he  altered  into 
a  library,  constructing  a  bathroom  in  connection 
with  it.  A  new  bedroom  was  added  above  the 
library,  and  in  the  basement  was  installed  "  a  cook- 

1  St.  Mark's  Place  was  the  continuation  of  Eighth  Street 
beyond  Third  Avenue.  It  was  renumbered  the  next  year, 
when  No.  13  became  No.  22. 

[    '52    ] 


THE  FRONT  DOOR  OF   22  ST.   MARK.  S  PLACE 


Peaceful  Days  at  Last 


ing  oven  like  Downer's/'    The  building  was  also   New  York 
painted  throughout,  and  when  finished  was  pro- 
nounced a  beautiful  and  convenient  house. 

The  Bridgeport  property  was  then  offered  for 
sale,  and  Mr.  de  Forest  with  his  family  moved  to 
St.  Mark's  Place  in  April,  1841.  At  this  time  almost 
all  of  his  children  lived  in  the  city:  his  sons  Wheeler 
and  George  each  in  his  own  house ;  his  daughters  — 
Mrs.  Lord,  Mrs.  Downer,  Mrs.  Wakeman,  Mrs. 
Baldwin,  and  Mrs.  Edwards  —  all  had  their  homes 
in  New  York;  and  Henry  rejoined  his  father  and 
mother  when  he  left  New  Haven  a  month  or  two 
later.  The  only  ones  who  were  not  in  the  city  were 
Mrs.  Skinner,  who  still  lived  at  Fairfield;  Mrs. 
Woodruff,  who  was  at  Albany;  and  James,  then  at 
Amherst  College. 

The  family  circle  at  St.  Mark's  Place  at  first  con- 
sisted, therefore,  of  Mr.  and  Mrs.  de  Forest,  Henry, 
Fred,  and  their  Aunt  Betsey  de  Forest.  Aunt  Betsey, 
however,  was  not  much  longer  to  continue  with 
them.  She  had  had  a  happy  home  in  her  brother's 
family  for  nearly  twenty-three  years ;  and  when  she 
died,  on  October  29,  1841,  she  left  a  void  which  no 
one  else  could  quite  fill.  She  was  buried  in  Bridge- 
port, the  town  which  was  endeared  to  her  by  so 
many  associations.  The  funeral  was  simple,  but  a 
record  has  been  kept  of  all  the  items,  from  the  cost 
of  the  "barouches"  which  met  the  steamboat  on 
its  arrival  from  New  York  and  carried  the  family 

1 153] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


New  York  to  the  cemetery,  down  to  the  fifty  cents  which  was 
given  to  the  bell-ringer. 

The  day  before  her  death  Aunt  Betsey  had  made 
her  will,  naming  her  nephews  Wheeler  and  Henry 
as  executors  of  her  small  estate  of  only  about  $600. 
She  directed  them  to  pay  all  her  debts,  to  invest  the 
residue  of  her  property,  and  to  give  the  interest 
or  dividends  therefrom  "punctually  as  they  shall 
accrue"  to  her  "dear  sister  Abby  Lewis."  This 
Henry  did  "punctually"  every  six  months  until  the 
latter's  death  in  1857. 

Dear  Aunt  Betsey!  Her  life  had  been  one  of  self- 
sacrifice  and  loving  devotion.  The  joy  of  doing  for 
others  had  been  hers  in  abundance. 

The  house  in  St.  Mark's  Place  must  have  been 
lonely  for  Mrs.  de  Forest  without  her  sister-in-law, 
with  whom  she  had  worked  hand  in  hand  for  so 
many  years.  Mehetabel,  although  still  young  in  her 
feelings,  was  getting  to  be  an  elderly  lady.  In  1843, 
when  she  was  sixty-six  years  old,  she  went  to  Fair- 
field to  visit  her  daughter  Mary.  One  of  her  grand- 
daughters then  wrote  the  following  tender  and 
lovely  description  of  her:  "I  must  send  a  line  by 
Grandma.  As  usual,  we  are  sorry,  very  sorry  to  have 
her  go.  We  have  all  enjoyed  her  charming  society 
and  she,  I  am  sure,  has  enjoyed  herself  too.  It 
would  have  done  you  good  to  see  her  trotting  round 
the  garden  to  pick  flower  seeds,  now  and  then  stop- 
ping underneath  the  grape  vine  to  eat  grapes  and 

[  154] 


Peaceful  Days  at  Last 


look  around  and  say,  'how  beautiful  it  is  here,'  or  New  York 
seated  over  a  large  basket  of  stockings,  singing  in 
a  low  sweet  voice,  'oh!  for  a  closer  walk  with  God.' 
She  has  seemed  unusually  calm  and  happy,  and  her 
presence,  like  the  fragrance  of  a  flower,  has  filled  the 
air  with  sweetness.  It  has  certainly  left  a  delightful 
impression  upon  me,  and  I  only  regret  that  I  cannot 
convey  it  clearly  to  you." 

The  devotion  of  her  children  was  beautiful. 
Wheeler  was  very  careful  of  her  and  was  ever  afraid 
lest  she  should  tire  or  hurt  herself.  She  had  al- 
ways been  very  active  and  even  when  quite  an  old 
lady  would  insist  on  climbing  upon  chairs  in  order 
to  reach  things  on  the  upper  shelves  in  her  closets. 
Wheeler,  finding  her  thus  engaged,  would  beg  her  to 
come  down,  saying,  "Mother,  you  really  must  get 
down.  It  is  not  safe  for  you  to  stand  on  chairs  like 
this."  When  nothing  else  would  avail,  he  would  say, 
"Mother,  if  you  don't  get  down  I  shall  begin  to 
swear,"  whereupon  she  would  instantly  descend. 
He  had  certain  stock  phrases  which  were  always 
effective.  For  instance,  when  he  found  her  going  up 
or  down  the  steep  back  stairs,  which  he  thought 
dangerous  for  her,  he  would  threaten,  "Mother,  if 
you  go  up  and  down  those  stairs  I  won't  read  a 
chapter  in  my  Bible  for  a  month."  Several  people 
remember  the  happy  little  tune  which  she  always 
hummed  as  she  ran  upstairs  —  perhaps  even  up 
those  same  back  stairs. 

[■55] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


New  York  Her  son  George  was  like  a  lover  with  her,  coming 
to  see  her  for  half  an  hour  in  the  morning  on  his  way 
down  town  and  letting  nothing  ever  interfere  with 
this  daily  visit.  While  there  he  always  threaded  for 
her  use  about  twenty  needles,  leaving  them  sticking 
in  a  cushion,  so  that  she  might  never  have  to  pause 
in  her  work  because  of  her  inability  to  thread  her 
needle. 

Henry  once  wrote  thus  of  his  early  memories  of 
her:  "Can  I  forget  the  home  of  my  childhood?  .  .  . 
Did  I  love  my  mother  ?  Did  I  recognize  her  love  to 
me  as  a  child  beaming  forth  from  those  lustrous 
loving  eyes?" 

After  Mrs.  de  Forest  became  somewhat  deaf,  she 
used  to  say,  "  Sometimes  I  answer  yes  and  sometimes 
no,  but  although  I  do  not  always  hear  what  they  say 
I  do  not  know  that  I  really  miss  much." 

By  her  grandchildren  she  was  adored.1  She  had 
many  winning  ways,  such  as  stowing  away  little 
packages  of  simple  seed  cakes,  and  producing  them 
at  the  right  moment,  also  telling  entrancing  stories 
beginning,  "When  I  was  a  little  girl."  Besides,  on 
New  Year's  Day  she  gave  to  each  grandchild  a  one 
dollar  gold  piece,  which  she  always  enjoined  upon 
him  to  put  in  the  bank. 

But  the  little  children  were  not  the  only  ones  to 

1  At  the  time  of  her  death  Mrs.  de  Forest  had  had  as 
many  as  forty-five  grandchildren  and  twenty-seven  great- 
grandchildren. 


[  '56] 


Peaceful  Days  at  Last 


whom  she  gave  pleasure.  She  had  many  relatives  New  York 
still  living  in  the  Connecticut  hill  country,  some  not 
so  happily  provided  with  this  world's  goods  as  she 
now  was,  and  she  was  always  thinking  of  something 
kind  and  nice  which  she  could  do  for  them.  Some- 
times it  was  a  niece  who  was  to  be  married  and  Me- 
hetabel  would  have  her  come  to  St.  Mark's  Place  for 
a  fortnight  in  order  that  her  niece  might  buy  her 
wedding  clothes  in  New  York.  A  young  half-sister 
was  often  invited  to  pay  her  long  visits ;  and  know- 
ing that  her  guest  would  need  a  nice  dress  for  such 
occasions,  the  elder  lady  would  send  her  $100, 
which  on  one  of  these  times  was  expended  on  a 
most  magnificent  "black  brocade  watered  silk."  A 
young  sister-in-law  —  so  young  that  she  called  Mrs. 
de  Forest  "Aunt  de  Forest"  —  became  somewhat 
reduced  in  circumstances  and  set  up  a  millinery 
establishment  in  Bridgeport.  "Aunt  de  Forest" 
and  Louisa  Woodruff,  her  youngest  daughter,  were 
most  kind  to  her  in  every  way.  They  would  have 
her  stay  with  them  for  a  fortnight  at  a  time,  mak- 
ing all  their  hats,  and  Mehetabel  also  told  her  to 
come  to  the  house  in  St.  Mark's  Place  whenever 
she  needed  to  come  to  New  York  to  buy  materials. 
When  Aunt  Lewis  became  infirm,  Mrs.  de  Forest 
provided  an  attendant  and  many  little  luxuries. 
She  never  forgot  her  old  home  or  those  who  were 
less  fortunate  than  she  was. 
It  is  pleasant  to  dwell  on  all  these  bright,  happy 

[  >S7] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


New  York  pictures,  for  the  time  of  Mehetabel's  separation  from 
the  companion  of  so  many  years  was  drawing  near, 
when  she  was  to  be  left  alone  save  for  the  loving 
care  of  her  children. 

These  children  were  beginning  even  now  to  gather 
more  closely  around  her.  The  year  after  Sister  Betsey 
left  Lockwood  and  Mehetabel,  their  daughter,  Jane 
Wakeman,  with  her  family  moved  across  from  the 
other  side  of  the  street  and  for  several  years  lived 
with  her  father  and  mother.  In  1846,  when  Jane 
went  to  a  house  of  her  own,  Louisa  Woodruff  (the 
youngest  of  Lockwood's  seven  daughters)  came 
down  from  Albany  with  her  husband  and  her  fa- 
ther's namesake,  "Little  Lock/'  to  make  her  home 
permanently  with  her  parents. 

It  was  a  great  joy  for  Mrs.  de  Forest  to  have 
Louisa  with  her  again  and  also  to  have  Wheeler 
live  nearby.  Soon  after  his  father  moved  to  New 
York,  Wheeler  had  taken  a  house  at  13  Fifth  Ave- 
nue, and  there  he  loved  to  entertain  all  the  family, 
especially  his  nephews  and  nieces.  One  nephew 
wrote  of  Uncle  Wheeler's  giving  a  "blow-out"  and 
on  another  occasion  of  his  having  invited  all  the 
family  to  dine;  "they  had  a  great  *  kick-up,'"  said 
the  nephew,  which  sounds  as  if  the  entertainment 
had  been  more  hilarious  than  those  given  by 
Wheeler's  father.  Once  Wheeler  took  all  his  nieces 
to  the  theatre.  "I  intend,"  said  he,  "to  take  all  the 
younger  branches  of  the  feminine  gender  to  hear 

[  158] 


PORTRAIT  OF  WHEELER  DE  FOREST,  ABOUT   I  8^ 
Owned  by  Robert  W.  de  Forest 


Peaceful  Days  at  Last 


Mr.  &  Mrs.  Wood  tomorrow  evening  at  the  City  New  York 
Hotel.  ...  I  expect  to  make  considerable  of  a  sen- 
sation, or  rather  I  expect  my  troop  will."  He  was 
always  devoted  to  the  ladies  of  the  family  and  at 
least  once  during  his  European  absence  wrote  to  all 
his  sisters  to  select  dresses  for  themselves  as  a  gift 
from  him,  which,  as  a  nephew  put  it,  "was  very 
genteel  of  him." 

Wheeler  never  married,  though  it  is  rather  diffi- 
cult to  understand  why  not.  "He  was  a  favorite 
with  the  other  sex.  His  fine  animal  spirits,  his  great 
vivacity,  quick  repartee,  off-hand  manner,  merry 
laugh,  &  facility  of  adapting  himself  to  persons  of 
every  variety  of  temperament  &  culture  made  him 
as  popular  with  women  as  with  men,  &  I  venture  to 
say  that  no  man  who  ever  lived  in  New  York  City 
had  more  friends  among  men  &  women  both  than 
Wheeler  de  Forest.  .  .  . 

"He  had  always  been  extravagantly  fond  of 
horses,  and  was  a  fine  horseman  &  a  most  expert 
driver.  It  was  his  habit  for  many  years  to  drive 
down  town  to  his  business  &  back  again,  &  it  was 
interesting  to  accompany  him  &  see  how  many 
saluted  him.  ' There  goes  Wheeler  de  Forest/  you 
would  hear  from  many  a  pedestrian  as  he  passed." 

It  was  said  that  such  was  his  skill  that  he  could 
drive  up  or  down  town  more  rapidly  than  any  one 
else,  and  he  liked  to  scare  his  women  relatives  by 
the  hair-breadth  chances  which  he  took,  and  then 

[  '59  ] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


New  York  to  laugh  at  them,  saying  that  he  "only  needed  a 
space  as  large  as  a  dinner  plate  in  which  to  turn 
around  with  a  horse  and  buggy."  Horses  were  his 
one  extravagance. 

When  he  went  abroad  in  1838  he  spent  money  on 
himself  more  liberally  than  before  and  on  his  return 
brought  with  him,  among  other  things,  an  inter- 
esting and  valuable  relic.  This  was  a  jewelled  snuff- 
box which  had  been  presented  by  Napoleon  I  to  one 
of  his  marshals.  There  were  three  large,  handsome 
diamonds  on  the  lid  of  the  box,  and  Wheeler  had  the 
largest  one  reset  as  a  shirt  pin  for  himself.  After  his 
death  this  diamond  came  to  his  brother  Henry  and 
the  "de  Forest  diamond"  has  since  descended  to 
Henry's  eldest  grandson.  The  antiquarian  members 
of  the  de  Forest  family  wish,  however,  that  the 
snuff-box  might  have  been  left  as  it  was ! 

Wheeler  at  another  time  had  the  opportunity  to 
purchase  an  historic  building  in  New  York  City.  He 
and  two  others  in  1852  bought  the  Mercantile  Ex- 
change building,  the  former  Custom  House,  on  the 
south  side  of  Wall  Street,  for  #805,000.  The  same 
day  the  New  York  Exchange  Company  (of  which 
the  three  owners  were  members)  was  organized  to 
hold  this  property.  During  the  early  days  of  the 
Civil  War  (1862)  this  building  was  leased  to  the 
United  States  Government  for  three  years  as  a 
treasury.  The  Government  was  also  given  an  option 
to  purchase  it  for  $1,000,000  at  any  time  before  the 

[  160  ] 


merchants'  exchange,  wall  street 

Owned  in  1852  by  W.  Wheeler  de  Forest  and  two  others 


Peaceful  Days  at  Last 


expiration  of  the  lease.  Just  before  the  lease  expired,  New  York 
in  April,  1865  (when  gold  was  at  a  premium  of  146), 
the  Government  exercised  its  option  but  paid  the 
$1,000,000  in  paper.  It  would  have  taken  $2,460,000 
in  paper  to  have  equalled  the  sum  mentioned  in 
gold.  Wheeler  always  considered  this  a  mean  trick 
on  the  part  of  the  Government. 

He  was  exceedingly  generous  with  his  money,  but 
though  he  had  a  fortune  of  $3,000,000  at  the  time 
of  his  death,  he  often  said  to  Henry,  "  I  could  be  a 
happy  man  if  I  lost  all  I  had,  &  was  left  with  only  a 
shirt !  I  should  take  pleasure  in  making  my  fortune 
over  again." 

As  may  be  inferred  from  all  that  has  been  said 
already,  Wheeler  and  his  brother  Henry  were  de- 
voted to  each  other,  although  they  were  separated 
in  age  by  twenty-six  years;  and  as  the  time  for 
Henry's  leaving  the  Yale  Law  School  drew  near, 
they  both  looked  forward  with  ever  -  increasing 
pleasure  to  the  days  when  they  should  live  once 
more  in  the  same  place  and  be  able  to  see  each  other 
at  will. 

When  Henry  left  New  Haven  in  the  fall  of  184 1  he 
rejoined  his  parents  at  St.  Mark's  Place,  and  having 
fully  determined  to  become  a  lawyer,  entered  with- 
out delay  the  law  office  of  his  brother-in-law,  Daniel 
Lord,  Jr.,  there  to  spend  the  next  two  years  in  pre- 
paratory study.  There  was  no  law  school  in  New 
York  at  this  period  and  many  young  men  acquired 

[  161  ] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


Nm  York  their  training  in  Mr.  Lord's  office.  Some  of  Henry's 
fellow-students  were  William  M.  Evarts,  James  G. 
King,  Jr.,  John  Taylor  Johnston,  and  Daniel  D. 
Lord,  the  last  two  having  been  at  the  law  school  in 
New  Haven  with  him. 

In  the  spring  of  1844  Henry,  although  without  a 
dollar  of  his  own,  determined  to  be  no  longer  de- 
pendent upon  his  father  but  to  start  out  on  his  own 
account.  His  father  offered  to  advance  him  money 
and  he  finally  borrowed  #500  to  buy  absolutely 
necessary  law  books.  From  the  beginning  he  made 
his  way,  slowly  but  surely;  after  the  first  year  he 
took  an  office  in  the  Mercantile  Exchange  build- 
ing with  James  G.  King,  Jr.,  and  John  A.  Weekes. 
Through  the  latter  Henry  made  a  new  and  very  im- 
portant acquaintanceship  —  with  John's  sister  Julia 
—  and  before  many  months  passed  they  were  en- 
gaged to  be  married. 

Henry  was  at  this  time  earning  about  #1,000  a 
year.  His  father  proposed  to  lend  him  what  he 
needed  to  enable  him  to  marry,  but  Henry  knew 
that  any  advance  would  be  charged  against  his  share 
of  his  father's  estate  and  declined,  though  it  gave 
him  a  feeling  of  security  to  know  that  his  father 
stood  back  of  him.  The  early  training  that  Henry 
had  received  from  his  father  stood  him  in  good  stead 
at  this  time.  "  He  had  trained  me  to  have  the  great- 
est aversion  to  being  in  debt  and  always  to  pay  a  bill 
promptly  on  its  presentation.  And  though  I  had  but 

[  162  ] 


ST.  JOHN'S  CHAPEL-IN-THE-FIELDS,    l82I.     ENGRAVED  BY 
W.   D.    SMITH   FROM   A   DRAWING  BY    A.   J.   DAVIS 

From  "  The  New  York  Mirror,"  1829 


Peaceful  Days  at  Last 


a  few  hundred  dollars  of  my  own  at  my  marriage  I    New  York 
never  was  under  the  necessity  of  violating  his  rules. 
I  determined  to  live  within  my  income  and  always 
did,  and  paid  'as  I  went.'" 

Wheeler,  who  was  always  ready  to  step  forward 
when  he  could  help  any  of  his  relatives,  owned  a 
comfortable  little  house  at  80  Charles  Street,  just 
north  of  Bleecker  Street  and  opposite  the  fine  old 
farm  of  Abram  Van  Nest.  He  offered  to  rent  this 
to  Henry  and  Julia  at  a  modest  sum  and  they  were 
only  too  glad  to  accept.  Charles  Street  is  in  Green- 
wich Village  and  the  house  stood  within  a  stone's 
throw  of  the  one  which  Lockwood  de  Forest  had 
occupied  when  he  first  came  to  New  York. 

Finally  the  all-important  day  —  April  15,  1847  — 
arrived,  and  Henry,  in  telling  the  story  of  it,  again 
gives  some  lovely  touches  regarding  his  dear  mother. 
"My  mother  came  up  into  my  room  the  morning  of 
my  wedding  day,  &  told  me  that  I  had  been  a  good 
son  &  wished  me  happiness.  She  went  about  the 
room  as  if  she  wished  to  put  it  in  order,  to  conceal 
her  emotion." 

The  ceremony  took  place  in  St.  John's  Chapel, 
facing  St.  John's  Park.  Of  course  Lockwood  de 
Forest  was  present;  and  though  he  undoubtedly 
gave  the  bride  his  blessing,  there  is  fortunately  no 
record  of  his  having  frightened  her  as  he  frightened 
another  little  bride  in  the  family  that  same  year. 
She,  little  Mary,  had  just  been  married  to  a  mis-        , 

[  '63  ] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


Nm  York  sionary  and  was  going  with  him  to  far-away  Africa. 
Just  as  she  was  leaving,  her  grandfather  rose  to  his 
full  height  and  stretching  out  his  hands  above  her, 
pronounced  this  parting  benediction:  "The  blessing 
of  the  God  of  Abraham  and  of  Isaac  and  of  Jacob 
rest  upon  you."  He  was  so  very  tall  and  so  very  im- 
pressive that  poor  little  Mary,  whose  heart  was  over- 
full already,  came  very  near  breaking  down.  And 
yet  what  a  splendid  patriarchal  benediction  it  was ! 

A  period  of  failing  health  now  began  for  Lock- 
wood  de  Forest;  he  had  heart  trouble  and  he  knew 
that  he  could  not  live  much  longer.  The  summer 
of  1848,  the  last  summer  of  his  life,  he  and  his  wife 
spent  with  their  beloved  daughter  Mary,  then  living 
in  New  Haven. 

This  year  was  one  of  ever-increasing  weakness, 
and  at  last  it  became  evident  that  the  end  was  not 
far  off.  Lockwood  was  then  seventy-three  years  old 
and  he  was  prepared  to  go.  His  family  Bible  had 
long  been  in  readiness,  with  the  earnest  exhorta- 
tion to  his  children  inscribed  therein.  His  resting- 
place  was  ready  in  Greenwood  Cemetery.  He  had 
made  his  will  —  a  just  and  very  simple  will.  After 
bequeathing  a  few  legacies  to  relatives  and  societies, 
he  left  the  Bridgeport  house  and  a  sufficient  income 
to  his  wife,  and  divided  his  residuary  estate  be- 
tween his  twelve  children,  giving  four  parts  to  each 
of  his  five  sons  and  three  parts  to  each  of  his  seven 
daughters.    Everything  was  in  order,  he  was  at 

[  '64] 


SILHOUETTE  OF  LOCKWOOD  DE  FOREST,  SARATOGA 
JULY   24,    1843 
Cut  by  August  Edouart 


Peaceful  Days  at  Last 


peace  with  his  fellow-man  and  with  heaven,  he  had   New  York 
no  wish  to  stay. 

During  the  latter  part  of  his  illness  he  derived  espe- 
cial comfort  from  the  Shorter  Catechism.  His  mind 
was  perfectly  clear  to  the  last,  and  on  the  very  day 
of  his  death,  November  29,  1848,  as  he  sat  propped 
up  in  bed,  he  tried  to  repeat  the  questions  and  an- 
swers. Turning  to  one  of  his  daughters  he  asked, 
"What  is  God?"  When  she  attempted  to  give  the 
answer,  he  said,  "That  is  not  right  —  get  the  book." 

Shortly  afterward  Lockwood  de  Forest  passed  away. 

To  understand  and  appreciate  this  man  one  must 
go  back  over  all  that  he  had  accomplished  in  his 
seventy-three  years  of  life.  A  simple  country  lad 
with  the  scantiest  education,  he  had  married  at 
so  extremely  youthful  an  age  that  that  fact  alone 
with  the  ever-increasing  burden  of  many  children 
might  have  prevented  his  rising.  Without  business 
experience  and  with  no  one  to  help  him,  he  had  had 
the  ambition  and  courage  to  face  the  untried  and  the 
unknown  in  the  hope  of  bettering  his  condition. 
Even  when  he  moved  to  New  York  with  his  family 
of  nine  children,  he  had  accumulated  only  $7,000 
or  $8,000,  and  yet  in  a  comparatively  few  years  he 
rose  to  be  one  of  New  York's  foremost  merchants. 

Of  his  large  family *  it  is  noteworthy  that  all  the 

1  For  an  account  of  Lockwood's  children  see  Appendix, 
P-  307- 

[   '6S  ] 


Lockwood  de  Forest 


New  York  children  except  Wheeler  married  and  that  none 
turned  out  badly  —  which  is  saying  a  good  deal  for 
twelve  grown  children.  For  these  blessings,  how- 
ever, we  must  give  a  great  deal  of  credit  to  the  chil- 
dren's gentle  mother.  We  have  suggested  that 
Lockwood 's  children  feared  rather  than  loved  him 
when  they  were  young.  This  is  undoubtedly  true, 
yet  Henry  in  writing  of  him  in  later  years  said, 
"Did  I  not  love  my  noble  upright  father  when  I 
came  to  understand  and  know  him?" 

Lockwood  de  Forest  had  faults,  indeed  very 
great  ones,  but  they  were  those  of  a  strong,  insist- 
ent man,  a  man  who  had  had  to  force  his  own  way 
and  whose  success  in  the  world  had  come  largely 
through  these  same  forceful  characteristics.  Let  us 
not  judge  him  harshly. 

After  the  death  of  her  husband  Mrs.  de  Forest 
continued  to  live  in  St.  Mark's  Place.  Louisa  and 
her  family  were  still  with  her,  as  was  Fred.  Before 
long  Wheeler  bought  the  house  from  his  father's  ex- 
ecutors and  made  it  his  home  also.  Thus  the  family 
group  remained  until  1854.  In  that  year,  Wheeler, 
who,  as  we  have  said,  had  become  a  wealthy  man 
according  to  the  standards  of  those  days,  bought  a 
large  and  handsome  house,  No.  268  Fifth  Avenue, 
on  the  northwest  corner  of  Thirtieth  Street.  Here 
he  moved  his  venerable  mother  and  those  who  had 
been  with  her  in  St.  Mark's  Place,  and  for  a  number 

[  '66  ] 


Peaceful  Days  at  Last 


of  years  they  all  lived  together  very  handsomely,   New  York 
entertaining  a  great  deal  and  inviting  various  mem- 
bers of  the  family  to  visit  them. 

In  1863,  however,  Mehetabel's  health  began  to 
fail.  She  had  led  a  useful  and,  on  the  whole,  a  happy 
life ;  in  the  words  of  Cotton  Mather,  she  had  been 
"edified  and  beautified  with  many  children,"  but 
she  was  now  in  her  eighty-seventh  year  and  her 
family  could  not  hold  her  longer.  So,  on  January 
23,  1864,  they  were  all  summoned  to  bid  her  good- 
bye. About  her  stood  her  twelve  children,  full  "not 
of  gloom  but  of  gratitude  for  the  rich  blessing  of  her 
long  and  happy  life,"  and  she  made  to  them  her 
last  request,  "that  they  should  strive  earnestly  for 
the  conversion  of  those  dear  to  them  and  to  her." 

Then  as  they  waited,  enshrouding  her  with  their 
love,  night  came  on  and  Mehetabel  Wheeler  de  For- 
est slipped  away  to  join  her  lifelong  companion. 


/j&sr 


A  Voyage  to   Guiana 

BEING  THE  JOURNAL  OF  JESSE  DE  FOREST 
AND  HIS   COLONISTS 


MAP    OF    THE    RIVER    WYAPOKO,  REPP,  II 


UCED    AS    IN    THE    ORIGINAL    JOURNAL 


Introduction  to  the  Journal 

IN  the  British  Museum  there  has  lain  for  over 
one  hundred  and  fifty  years  a  manuscript  vol- 
ume, shaped  like  an  old-fashioned  copy-book, 
belonging  to  the  original  collection  of  Sir  Hans 
Sloane,  the  founder  of  the  Museum.  This  manu- 
script is  the  journal  of  a  voyage  of  the  Dutch  ship 
Pigeon  to  Guiana  in  the  years  1623-1625,  and  was 
written  by  a  member  of  the  ship's  company.  Under 
the  catalogue  heading  "Guiana,"  it  has  remained, 
apparently  unnoticed,  since  it  first  found  lodgment 
in  the  Museum.  Books  have  been  written  about 
early  voyages  to  the  "Wild  Coast"  (as  Guiana  was 
then  called),  but  no  one  of  the  writers  appears  to 
have  read  of  the  adventure  of  Jesse  de  Forest  in 
1623 .  No  attention  seemingly  was  paid  to  our  Jour- 
nal until  the  end  of  the  nineteenth  century.  At  all 
events,  until  this  time  no  mention  of  it  was  made 
by  scholars  or  historians,  so  far  as  the  present  writer 
has  been  able  to  discover.  The  book  slept  on,  there- 
fore, and  the  ink  faded  and  faded  until  its  pages  are 
now  very  difficult  to  decipher.  It  was  rebound  long 
ago — if  indeed  it  ever  had  a  binding  before  its  pres- 
ent one;  but  it  was  even  then  a  very  old  book.  It 
had  a  new  title-page  once,  but  that  too  was  long  ago, 
for  the  new  title-page  is  now  a  specimen  of  chirogra- 
phy  long  unused.  So  the  volume  lay  quietly  in  the 

[  W  ] 


A  Voyage  to  Guiana 


British  Museum  as  "Sloane  MS.  179  b."  under  the 
heading  "Guiana." 

Late  in  the  nineteenth  century  one  public  refer- 
ence was  made  to  the  Journal.  This  was  during  the 
dispute  about  the  boundary  line  between  Venezuela 
and  British  Guiana,  which  was  finally  settled  in 
1899.  In  the  course  of  this  contention  fragments  of 
the  manuscript  were  printed  by  the  British  govern- 
ment to  prove  that  a  Dutch  colony  had  been  estab- 
lished on  the  Essequibo  River  in  British  Guiana 
before  1624.  The  settlement  of  the  "Peres  de  fam- 
ilies," as  the  members  of  this  colony  were  called, 
was  alluded  to  but  not  Jesse  de  Forest's  connection 
with  the  colony;  indeed,  only  such  parts  of  the 
Journal  were  printed  as  were  deemed  pertinent  to 
the  question  of  the  Dutch  settlers  on  the  Essequibo. 

But  quite  apart  from  the  allusions  to  this  Dutch 
settlement  there  are  to  be  found  in  the  Journal  items 
which  are  valuable  as  original  historical  material. 
Some  of  them,  for  instance,  would  have  served  his- 
torians as  corroborative  evidence  concerning  the 
disputed  date  of  the  earliest  settlement  of  New 
Amsterdam.1 

Then  again,  there  were  students  who  knew  of 
Jesse  de  Forest's  first  colonizing  schemes  —  that 
is,  of  his  desire  to  take  to  Virginia  certain  colonists 
whom  he  had  enrolled,  and,  that  plan  having  proved 

1  For  a  detailed  treatment  of  this  question  see  Volume  I, 
PP-  33-34- 


[    !72    ] 


Introduction  to  the  Journal 


inadvisable,  of  his  offering  to  conduct  them  to  the 
West  Indies  under  the  auspices  of  the  Dutch  West 
India  Company.1  These  students  were  left  to  won- 
der whether  he  ever  reached  the  New  World  at  all 
and  whether  he  took  his  colony  with  him.  They 
searched  the  old  Dutch  archives  for  clues  and 
found  none,  yet  all  that  time  there  lay  "Sloane  MS. 
179  b.,"  which  would  have  given  them  the  desired 
information. 

All  these  details  go  to  prove  the  importance  of  the 
little  old  book  and  the  debt  that  scholars  owe  to 
the  modern  historian,  the  Rev.  George  Edmundson, 
who  discovered  it  and  brought  it  to  general  notice 
about  1901,  while  he  was  collecting  information  for 
articles  about  the  Dutch  in  Guiana,  which  he  was 
then  writing.2  It  is  therefore  not  surprising  that  a 
modern  de  Forest  should  wish  to  honor  the  book 
and  by  publishing  it  to  disseminate  the  informa- 
tion it  contains. 

The  volume  itself  is  curious  and  worthy  of  de- 
scription. Each  page  is  18  inches  wide  by  11  high, 
so  that  when  the  book  is  opened  it  measures  36 
inches  across.  On  the  title-page  it  is  called  "Journal 
du  voyage  fait  par  les  Peres  de  Families  envoyes  par 

1  The  account  of  Jesse  de  Forest's  previous  efforts  at 
colonization  may  be  read  in  Chapter  11,  pp.  17-23  in  Vol- 
ume I,  or  in  Major  J.  W.  De  Forest's  book  entitled  The 
de  Forests  of  Avesnes. 

2  See  articles  on  Guiana  in  English  Historical  Review, 
October,  1901;  October,  1903;  and  January,  1904. 

[  J73  ] 


A  Voyage  to  Guiana 


Mrs  les  Directeurs  de  la  Compagnie  des  Indes  occi- 

dentales  pour  visiter  la  coste  de  Guiane;  avec  plu- 

sieurs  remarques  curieuses  et  quantite  de  planches, 

tres   particulieres." *    The  Journal  itself  fills   the 

greater  part  of  the  volume,  which  also  contains 

wonderful  old  maps,  charts,  and  sketches.  The  text 

is  written  in  double  columns  in  a  rather  close,  fine 

handwriting,  very  much  faded  and  hard  to  decipher ; 

moreover,  it  is  in  quaint  old  French,  which  makes  it 

difficult  fully  to  understand  the  meaning  in  some 

places.  Then  there  is  the  old  spelling  of  words  and 

the  misspelling  of  names,  and  to  add  to  all  these 

difficulties,  "u"  and  "v"  are  used  interchangeably, 

as  was  then  the  custom. 

The  maps  of  the  various  places  visited,  which  are 

interspersed  among  the  written  pages  of  the  Journal, 

are  beautifully  colored.  A  list  of  them  in  the  exact 

form  of  their  legends  is  here  given. 

DESCRIPTIONS  ,  COLORED  MAPS 

Description  de  la  Coste  West  de  la  Riviere  des  Amazones. 

Riuiere  des  Amazones  iusques  a 
Okiari. 
Description  de  la  Coste  de  Gujana.  Coste  de  Gviane  despuis 

le  cap  du  nord  iusques  a 
la  riviere  d'Eziquebe. 
[No  heading]  Cassipoure. 

Description  de  la  Riuiere  de  Wyapoko.      Wyapoko. 
Description  de  lisle  de  Cayane.  Isle  et  riviere  de  Cayane. 

Description  de  la  Riuiere  de  Maruyne.      Marvini. 
Description  de  la  riviere  de  Soraname.       Soraname. 

1  The  title  given  on  the  first  page  of  the  Journal  differs 
slightly  from  this  in  form.   See  p.  188. 

[   '74  ] 


FIRST   PAGE   OF   THE  JOURNAL 


, ,!  ou  r  n  a  I      X  it   irov u  &-&     -f-cU  ci      p  *  ^   f^ 
Its  bricei-Ltirs  Ac A*    Zoyri\ix£nct    **f 


c 


II, s 


,  ^  C*****!*4?    **3»X 


.      r       t 


,w     ,«•.<*.*-  •''• 


^ 


■ 


Introduction  to  the  Journal 

Description  de  la  riuiere  de  Berbice.  Berbice. 

[A  description  of  the  Essequibo  River.      Eziquebe. 

No  heading.] 
Description  des  isles  des  Caribes.  Isles  des  Caribes  despuis 

Sainct  Vincent  iusques 
a  l'isle  de  1  anguillade. 

In  addition  to  the  above  there  are  a  number  of 
sketches  showing  the  outlines  of  St.  Vincent,  St. 
Lucie,  Martinique,  Dominique,  Guadeloupe,  Mon- 
cerate,  Las  Nieues,  St.  Christopher,  Eustatius,  Saba, 
Anguillade,  and  other  places  as  seen  from  the  ship. 

All  the  maps  have  very  elaborate  and  decorative 
settings  to  the  titles,  while  the  points  of  the  compass 
are  also  intricately  drawn  and  carefully  painted. 
Although,  as  has  been  said,  the  writing  of  the  Journal 
is  badly  faded,  the  coloring  of  the  maps  apparently 
iemains  as  vivid  as  on  the  day  when  the  colors  were 
applied.  Interesting  details  are  shown  on  them,  as, 
for  instance,  the  way  in  which  the  houses  in  the 
settlements  along  the  river  banks  were  built  —  on 
high  stilts,  as  it  were  —  so  as  to  be  raised  above  the 
water  when  the  river  overflowed  the  low  land,  as 
often  happened. 

Four  of  the  maps  are  reproduced  in  the  present 
volume  —  those  of  the  rivers  Wyapoko,  Cassipoure, 
and  Essequibo,  and  one  of  the  coast  of  Guiana  from 
the  North  Cape  to  the  Essequibo  River.  The  map 
of  the  Wyapoko  is  shown  in  colors,  which  are  copied 
as  exactly  as  possible  from  the  original.  The  out- 
lines of  the  shores  as  sketched  from  the  ship  are  not 

[  '75  ] 


A  Voyage  to  Guiana 


particularly  interesting,  and  these,  as  well  as  the 
other  "descriptions"  of  the  rivers  visited,  have  been 
omitted  from  this  volume.  The  only  descriptions 
here  given  are  of  the  Essequibo  River  and  of  the 
Wyapoko,1  on  which  the  colonists  settled. 

In  printing  the  Journal  it  was  not  found  advisable 
to  adopt  the  copy-book  form  in  which  the  original 
appears.  This  has  necessitated  printing  one  column 
on  a  page  instead  of  two  —  the  English  translation 
facing  the  French  —  but  in  other  respects  the  ar- 
rangement of  the  old  document  has  been  followed  as 
closely  as  possible. 

The  nautical  language  found  in  Defoe's  history 
of  Robinson  Crusoe,  which  was  written  in  17 19,  has 
been  freely  used  in  the  translation  as  being  the  near- 
est approach  to  the  spirit  of  the  seventeenth-century 
French  of  the  original  manuscript. 

To  summarize  the  account  of  the  voyage  as  given 
in  the  Journal,  Jesse  de  Forest  with  his  ten  peres 
de  families  embarked  in  the  Pigeon  at  Amsterdam 
on  July  1, 1623,  all  but  three  of  the  peres  re-embarked 
for  Holland  January  1,  1624,  and  two  of  the  three 
who  remained  in  Guiana  finally  reached  Holland 
again  in  the  Black  Eagle  on  November  16,  1625. 2 


1  Now  called  the  Oyapok. 

2  In  Chapter  11,  pp.  28-56  of  Volume  I,  is  given  a  detailed 
narrative  of  the  voyage,  for  which  the  Journal  furnished  the 
material. 

[  176  ] 


Introduction  to  the  Journal 


It  is  to  be  regretted  that  we  cannot  find  the  offi- 
cial account  of  this  voyage,  but  the  records  of  the 
Amsterdam  Chamber  of  the  West  India  Company, 
which  apparently  equipped  and  sent  out  the  Pigeon, 
are  silent.  It  was  the  Zeeland  Chamber  which  des- 
patched the  ship  on  which  the  colonists  returned, 
and  the  first  volumes  of  its  minutes  (1623-1626) 
unfortunately  have  long  been  missing.  So  we  must 
be  content  with  the  account  of  the  expedition  as  it 
is  given  in  the  Journal. 

Jesse  de  Forest  was  to  be  in  command  of  the  colo- 
nists after  they  had  landed;  he  was  their  leader, 
"our  Captain,"  as  they  evidently  called  him.  In 
these  modern  days  we  should  call  the  officer  in  charge 
of  a  ship  a  "Captain,"  but  it  is  clear  that  the  title 
in  this  narrative  was  given  to  the  leader  of  the  col- 
onists, while  the  commander  of  the  ship,  Pieter 
Fredericsz,  was  called  "The  Master"  ("le  Maistre 
de  navire").  Even  the  chief  of  the  Indians  at  Ca- 
rippo  was  called  by  our  colonists  the  "Captain"  of 
the  savages.  The  only  ship's  "Captain"  mentioned 
in  the  Journal  was  Captain  Couast,  who  was  in 
command  of  a  fleet. 

There  are  many  proofs  that  these  assumptions 
are  correct.  The  Captain  never  exercised  any  au- 
thority during  the  voyage  except  when  he  and  the 
Pilot  obliged  the  Master  to  return  some  clothes 
which  he  had  taken  from  the  sailors'  chests  aboard 
an  English  ship.    The  Master  and  the  Pilot  had 

[   l77  ] 


A  Voyage  to  Guiana 


charts;  the  Captain  evidently  had  none.  He  never 
entertained  the  friends  whom  they  chanced  to  meet; 
it  was  always  the  Master  who  did  this.  And,  finally, 
it  was  the  Master  who  on  December  27,  1623,  asked 
the  colonists  one  by  one  if  they  had  found  a  place 
to  their  liking,  and  when  they  had  said  "Yes,"  told 
them  that  according  to  the  orders  which  he  had  re- 
ceived from  the  Directors  of  the  Company,  he  was 
to  take  back  to  Holland  only  two  of  them.  It  was 
Jesse  the  Captain  who  died  on  October  22,  1624, 
and  when,  on  May  23  rd  of  the  following  year,  Gelyn 
van  Stapels  arrived  with  the  Flying  Dragon  to  take 
the  colonists  back  to  Holland,  van  Stapels  as  com- 
mander of  that  ship  was  immediately  entitled  "  our 
Master.  "  As  a  further  proof  that  Jesse  was  the  man 
who  died  in  Guiana,  we  find  that  after  the  colonists 
reached  Holland  with  the  news  of  their  Captain's 
death,  Jesse's  wife,  Marie  du  Cloux,  was  spoken  of 
as  a  widow. 

The  authorship  of  the  Journal  is  difficult  to  deter- 
mine. The  document  has  been  called  the  "  De  For- 
est Journal"  and  it  has  been  asserted  that  Jesse  de 
Forest  was  the  scribe,  as  he  naturally  would  be  if 
he  were  in  command  of  the  colonists,  for  we  must 
remember  that  this  is  the  journal  of  the  colonists 
and  not  the  log  of  the  ship.  But  the  handwriting  is 
certainly  not  Jesse's;  moreover,  he  died  before  the 
Journal  was  finished;  besides,  when  on  December 
27,  1623,  all  but  three  of  the  peres  de  families  had 

[  '/s  ] 


Introduction  to  the  Journal 

decided  to  return  to  Holland,  the  writer  in  speaking 
of  these  three  said,  "Our  Captain,  Louis  le  Maire,1 
and  I,"  which  clearly  shows  that  the  "I,"  who  was 
at  that  time  the  writer,  was  neither  the  Captain 
nor  Louis  le  Maire.  Who  was  "I"?  That  is  the 
question  which  we  seek  to  answer. 

The  Journal  was  evidently  composed  by  a  man 
of  education  and  ability.  Jesse  was  such  a  man,  but 
because  of  his  death  could  not  have  written  the 
whole  Journal.  There  was  also  on  board  a  man  of 
ability,  Jean  Mousnier  de  la  Montagne  by  name, 
who  had  been  living  in  Leyden  for  some  years  as  a 
member  of  its  university.  He  was  one  of  those  who 
in  1621  had  signed  the  original  Round  Robin  which 
accompanied  Jesse's  petition  to  the  Virginia  Com- 
pany.2 In  1623  La  Montagne  was  still  anxious  to 
emigrate  under  Jesse's  leadership ;  and  although  he 
was  not  as  yet  a  married  man,  his  name  is  among 
those  of  the  ten  peres  de  families  who  sailed  with 
Jesse  in  the  Pigeon. 

Moreover,  it  is  fair  to  assume  that  La  Montagne 
was  one  of  the  three  colonists  who  remained  on  the 
Wyapoko;  for  he  certainly  sailed  with  the  ship  and 
no  trace  of  him  is  again  found  in  the  records  at 

1  See  footnote  on  Louis  le  Maire,  p.  42. 

2  State  Papers,  Holland,  1622  [should  read  1621]  Jan- 
uary-March, No.  145  (Public  Record  Office,  London). 
A  petition  from  Jesse  to  the  English  "Virginia  Company," 
asking  that  the  two  hundred  and  twenty-seven  colonists 
whom  he  had  enrolled  be  granted  a  tract  of  land  in  Virginia. 

[  l79  ] 


A  Voyage  to  Guiana 


Leyden  until  1626.  Then,  several  months  after  the 
return  of  the  two  peres  de  families  who  survived 
Jesse  in  Guiana,  he  appears  as  a  boarder  in  the 
home  of  the  Widow  de  Forest  on  the  Voldersgraft. 
On  July  7,  1626,  his  name  was  again  entered  as  a 
medical  student  in  the  university,  and  on  Novem- 
ber 27,  1626,  he  became  the  husband  of  Jesse  de 
Forest's  daughter  Rachel. 

The  handwriting  of  the  manuscript  bears  some 
resemblance  to  that  of  this  university  student, 
especially  in  the  form  and  slant  of  the  letters.  This 
resemblance  is  particularly  to  be  remarked  by  com- 
parison with  a  certain  French  letter  of  his  still  pre- 
served in  Albany.1  But  such  a  resemblance  is  not 
conclusive  evidence  that  he  was  the  author  of  the 
Journal. 

The  writer  of  this  introduction,  after  studying 
this  interesting  little  volume  very  carefully,  is  inclined 
to  adopt  the  following  theory  as  to  its  authorship. 
It  seems  possible,  even  probable,  that  the  Journal 
now  in  the  British  Museum  is  a  contemporary  copy 
of  the  original.  Many  such  copies  were  made  in 
those  days,  when  printed  books  were  scarce.  Were 
this  the  original  manuscript,  it  would  seem  impossi- 
ble that  it  should  be  so  neatly  finished  and  that 
there  should  be  so  few  erasures  and  corrections. 

The  handwriting  of  this  manuscript  is  identical 
throughout,  but   it   is   at   least  possible  that  the 


1  Letter  of  August  15,  1658. 

[   >8°] 


Introduction  to  the  Journal 

original  Journal  was  not  entirely  written  by  one  per- 
son. After  January  i,  1624,  when  the  Pigeon  left  the 
three  peres  de  families  and  the  six  members  of  the 
crew  on  the  Wyapoko,  there  is  a  change  in  the  me- 
thod of  wording  the  entries.  The  day  of  the  week 
is  no  longer  mentioned,  but  only  the  day  of  the 
month,  and  the  entries  are  not  made  with  the  same 
regularity  as  before,  sometimes  as  much  as  a  couple 
of  months  intervening  between  them.  These  varia- 
tions possibly  indicate  a  change  of  author  —  a 
change  that  would  not  show  in  a  manuscript 
copy. 

It  seems,  therefore,  to  the  writer,  that  Jesse  de 
Forest  may  have  written  the  early  part  of  the  Jour- 
nal ;  that  is,  the  part  prior  to  his  landing  in  Guiana, 
after  which  his  increased  duties  might  have  made  it 
impossible  for  him  to  continue  keeping  the  records. 
The  fact  that  the  whole  manuscript  was  written  in 
the  first  person  plural  is  no  argument  against  this 
theory,  for  journals  at  that  time  were  often  so  writ- 
ten. Nor  would  this  fact  in  any  way  interfere  with 
the  supposition  that  La  Montagne  was  the  writer 
who  called  himself  "I"  on  December  27,  1623.  He 
it  was  probably  who  continued  to  keep  the  Journal 
after  Jesse  was  obliged  to  give  it  up.  He  was  pos- 
sibly also  the  copyist  who  made  a  transcript  of  the 
original  manuscript  and  who  drew  the  maps  and 
views,  which  were  apparently  made  by  the  same 
hand  as  the  text. 

[  '81  ] 


A  Voyage  to  Guiana 


So  here  the  question  must  be  left,  somewhat  un- 
certain, although  the  writer  is  convinced  that  the 
preceding  statements  are  supported  by  the  evidence 
she  has  given.  When  the  facts  and  the  deductions 
we  are  able  to  make  from  them  have  all  been  duly 
considered,  it  seems  not  too  much  to  claim  that  the 
anonymous  manuscript  should  still  be  known  as 
"Jesse  de  Forest's  Journal.', 

Now,  after  telling  all  that  is  known  about  the 
Journal  itself  and  all  that  can  be  inferred  as  to  its 
authorship,  we  may  well  turn  our  thoughts  once 
more  to  the  collection  of  which  it  has  for  so  many 
years  formed  a  part  —  or,  rather,  to  the  man  who 
made  that  collection. 

Hans  Sloane,  the  great  naturalist,  physician,  and 
author,  who  was  the  founder  of  the  British  Museum, 
was  born  in  Ireland  in  1660  of  Scotch  parentage. 
From  boyhood  he  was  deeply  interested  in  botany 
and  natural  history.  As  a  profession  he  adopted 
medicine  and  pursued  his  medical  studies  at  Mont- 
pellier  in  southern  France.  After  his  return  to  Eng- 
land he  practised  as  a  physician  in  London,  where  he 
acquired  a  high  standing.  But  although  he  became 
eminent  in  his  profession,  a  large  part  of  his  time 
and  thought  continued  to  be  absorbed  by  the  claims 
of  natural  history  and  kindred  subjects,  and  he 
soon  began  to  amass  the  collection  which  later  made 
his  name  famous.  At  the  age  of  twenty-five  he  had 

[  182] 


Introduction  to  the  Journal 


been  elected  a  Fellow  of  the  Royal  Society,1  of 
which  Sir  Isaac  Newton  was  also  a  Fellow  at  that 
time.  Sir  Hans  received  many  high  honors  abroad 
and  at  home,  was  made  a  baronet  in  1716,  and  suc- 
ceeded Newton  as  President  of  the  Royal  Society 
in  1727. 

All  this  time  he  was  ardently  adding  to  the  curi- 
osities in  his  "Museum,"  as  it  was  then  called.  This 
museum  consisted  principally  of  objects  of  natural 
history  but  contained  a  valuable  library  as  well, 
and  in  this  library  were  not  only  books  on  the 
subjects  mentioned  above  but  "Volumes  of  manu- 
scripts .  .  .  relating  to  travels,  &c."  Of  these  vol- 
umes of  manuscripts  there  were  already  in  1725  two 
thousand  six  hundred  and  sixty-six,  and  one  of  them 
was  "SloaneMS.  179  b." 

Sir  Hans  died  in  January,  1753,  and  by  his  will 
bequeathed  his  entire  museum  to  a  corporation  to 
consist  of  fifty  "Trustees  for  the  British  Museum." 
His  only  proviso  was  that,  as  he  was  giving  all  his 
fortune  to  the  state,  £20,000  should  be  paid  to  his 
executors  for  the  benefit  of  his  two  daughters.  Par- 
liament immediately  closed  with  this  offer  and 
authorized  a  lottery  to  raise  the  necessary  sum  of 
money. 

The  palace  of  the  Duke  of  Montague  with  its 
gardens,  seven  acres  in  extent,  was  selected  as  an 

1  Royal     Society    of    London    for    Improving    Natural 

Knowledge. 

t  '83  ] 


A  Voyage  to  Guiana 


appropriate  home  for  the  priceless  collections. 
There  the  British  Museum  was  opened  to  the  public 
on  January  15,  1759,  and  there  its  treasures  can 
still  be  seen  although  in  a  more  modern  building. 

Where  did  Sir  Hans  get  the  Journal?  It  is  inter- 
esting to  seek  all  the  possible  answers  to  this  ques- 
tion. Sir  Hans  made  many  additions  by  purchase, 
but  the  most  important  collection  which  was  added 
to  his  own  was  that  of  a  certain  William  Courten, 
usually  known  as  William  Charlton.  Sir  Hans  and 
Charlton  had  been  friends  at  Montpellier  and  were 
fellow-collectors,  and  when  Charlton  died  in  1702 
he  bequeathed  his  large  and  very  valuable  museum, 
said  to  be  worth  £8000,  to  his  friend.  Was  the  Jour- 
nal part  of  this  bequest  ?  It  may  have  been. 

If  now  we  wish  to  pursue  this  line  of  investiga- 
tion further,  we  must  first  go  back  to  the  time  of 
Charlton's  grandfather,  the  first  Sir  William  Cour- 
ten.1 He  was  a  wealthy  merchant  in  London  with 
a  partner  residing  in  Middelburgh,  Zeeland,  and 
between  them  they  owned  many  trading  ships 
which  visited  the  West  Indies  as  well  as  the  East 
Indies.  Sir  William  seems  to  have  had  a  passion 
for  colonizing  schemes,  and  about  1625,  his  Zeeland 
partner  informed  him  that  he  had  learned  that  the 
Island  of  Barbados  was  "uninhabited  and  very  fit 
for  plantations." 

1  For  records  of  the  Courten  family  see  British  Museum, 
Sloane  MS.  No.  3515. 

t  '84] 


Introduction  to  the  Journal 

Now  if  we  let  our  imagination  run  riot  a  little  we 
can  easily  persuade  ourselves  as  to  the  source  of 
the  Zeeland  partner's  information  and  as  to  what 
took  place  in  Flushing  in  the  fall  of  1625.  The  Black 
Eagle,  sent  to  the  Wild  Coast  by  the  Zeeland  Cham- 
ber, returned  to  Flushing,  which  is  in  Zeeland  near 
Middelburgh,  on  November  16,  1625.  On  her  decks 
when  she  reached  her  destination  were  the  two  re- 
maining peres  de  families.  The  Zeeland  partner 
knew  that  Sir  William  was  eager  to  get  all  the  infor- 
mation he  could  about  places  fit  for  colonization, 
and  particularly  about  the  West  Indies.  Here  were 
men  who  had  been  for  eighteen  months  settled  in 
the  vicinity  and  who  had  written  out  their  experi- 
ences and  made  charts  of  all  that  they  had  seen 
on  their  voyage.  He  immediately  persuaded  one 
of  the  voyagers  (possibly  La  Montagne)  to  make 
a  copy  of  the  Journal  for  Sir  William.  *  It  is  highly 
probable  that  these  two  men,  who  were  aboard  the 
Black  Eagle  when  she  was  sailing  among  the  Carib- 
bean Islands  on  her  homeward  voyage,  had  seen 
the  Island  of  Barbados  as  they  passed,  although 
they  did  not  stop  there.  Perhaps  the  information 
they  were  able  to  give  was  the  first  definite  news  of 
Barbados  that  Sir  William  had  had.  Perhaps  it  was 

1  Mr.  Edward  Edwards  in  his  Founders  of  the  British 
Museum,  says:  "There  are  several  reasons  for  thinking  that 
the  rudimentary  foundations  of  Courten's  museum  had  been 
laid  in  the  time  of  his  grandfather,  Sir  William." 

[   >85  ] 


A  Voyage  to  Guiana 


corroborative  of  the  accounts  of  earlier  explorers. 
In  any  case,  Sir  William  in  1626  petitioned  Charles 
I  for  "license  to  make  discoveries  and  plant  colo- 
nies." This  petition  the  king  granted  and  it  is  said 
that  in  the  month  of  February,  1626  (1627,  New 
Style),  two  of  Sir  William's  ships  landed  in  Barbados 
"men,  ammunition,  arms  and  all  necessaries  for 
planting  and  fortifying  the  country."  Thus  a  colony 
was  established  there. 

What  interests  us,  however,  is  not  what  news 
about  strange  islands  the  two  peres  de  families  gave 
to  Sir  William,  but  whether  the  little  old  Journal  of 
the  voyage  began  its  career  in  his  hands. 

There  is  another  clue  to  which  we  must  give 
due  consideration.  A  certain  Major  John  Scott  in 
1665-66  commanded  an  English  expedition  which 
captured  the  Island  of  Tobago  and  several  Dutch 
colonies  in  Guiana.  From  boyhood  Major  Scott  had 
had  an  intense  interest  in  geography,  history,  and 
travels,  and  in  1667,  after  his  return  from  the  expedi- 
tion above  alluded  to,  he  undertook  to  write  a  his- 
tory of  the  islands  and  coast  of  America  from  New- 
foundland to  the  Amazon,  an  account  fuller  and 
more  accurate  than  had  previously  been  written.  To 
this  end  he  collected  all  the  material  he  could  in  any 
way  find  and  at  last  he  wrote  his  preface.  In  this 
he  tells  of  his  method  of  acquiring  information:  "I 
made  it  my  business  likewise  to  purchase  or  borrow 
all  the  historys  and  Journalls  that  I  could  heare 

[  '86  ] 


Introduction  to  the  Journal 


of  whether  Lattin  Ittallian  Spanish  or  Portugais 
French  Dutch  or  in  our  Language  wherein  I  may 
say  I  have  by  reason  of  a  generall  generous  conver- 
sation had  luck  extraordinary."  He  also  acknowl- 
edged his  indebtedness  to  sundry  gentlemen  for  the 
use  of  "printed  books  Manuscripts  Patents  Com- 
missions and  papers  relating  to  those  parts."  His 
book  was  never  published  and  not  much  more  than 
the  preface  was  ever  written,  but  this,  in  his  own 
handwriting,  together  with  the  material  he  had  col- 
lected, now  forms  part  of  the  Sloane  Collection.1 

It  is  just  possible  that  Jesse's  Journal  may  have 
formed  part  of  the  material  secured  by  Major  John 
Scott  for  the  history  which  he  never  finished.  If 
this  be  so,  our  second  clue  may  be  the  right  one.  On 
the  other  hand,  both  of  these  surmises  may  be  wide 
of  the  mark  and  the  real  solution  of  the  source  of 
this  interesting  old  document  may  be  tucked  away 
as  secretly,  as  securely,  and  for  as  long  a  time  as 
was  "Jesse  de  Forest's  Journal." 

1  British  Museum,  Sloane  MS.  No.  3662. 


JOURNALS  voyage  f aid  par  les  peres 
de  families  enuoyes  par  Mn  les  Direc- 
teurs  de  la  Compagnee  des  Indes  occi- 
dentales  pour  visiter  la  coste  de  Gujane 


C 


1623  ^"^OMME  Messieurs  les  Directeurs  de  La  Com- 
pagnee des  Indes  Occidentales  eurent  resolu  a 
l'entree  de  leur  administration  d'enuoyer  visi- 
ter la  riuiere  de  l'Amazone  et  coste  de  Gujana  et  ay  ant 
pour  cet  effect  esquipe  vn  nauire  nomme  le  Pigeon  du 
port  de  quarante  cincq  last  sur  lequel  commandoit 
Pieter  Fredericss  de  Harlem  ils  furent  supplies  par 
Jesse  des  forest  qui  soubs  la  permission  de  Messei- 
gneurs  les  Estats  generaulx  des  Prouinces  unies  auoit 
enroole  plusieurs  families  desireuses  de  s'habituer  aus 
dites  Indes  aux  fins  quicelles  fussent  employees  au 
seruice  de  la  dite  Compagnee.  Mais  pource  que  Mes 
diets  sieurs  les  Directeurs  trouuerent  meilleur  premier 
que  transporter  les  susdites  families  d'enuoyer  vn  cer- 
tain nombre  des  peres  de  families  pour  auecq  ledict 
Jesse  desforests  voir  les  lieux  et  choisir  eux  mesmes  le 
lieu  de  leur  demeure  furent  choisis  a  cet  effect  Louys 
le  Maire,  Bartheleme  Digan  Anthoine  Descendre  An- 
thoine  Beaumont,  Jehan  Godebon,  Abraham  Douillers, 


[  '88] 


JOURNAL  of  the  Voyage  made  by  the 
fathers  of  families  sent  by  the  Honor- 
able the  Directors  of  the  West  India 
Company  to  visit  the  coast  of  Guiana 

THE  Directors  of  the  West  India  Company,  1623 
having  decided  at  the  beginning  of  their  ad- 
ministration to  send  an  expedition  to  explore 
the  River  Amazon  and  the  coast  of  Guiana,  and  having 
for  this  purpose  fitted  out  a  ship  called  the  Pigeon1 
of  45  lasts2  burden,  commanded  by  Pieter  Fredericsz 
of  Harlem,  were  petitioned  by  Jesse  des  forest,  who, 
with  the  permission  of  their  Excellencies  the  States 
General  of  the  United  Provinces,  had  enrolled  several 
families  desirous  of  settling  in  the  said  Indies,  that 
these  might  be  employed  in  the  service  of  the  said 
Company.  But  as  their  Excellencies  the  said  Direc- 
tors thought  it  better  before  carrying  over  the  above- 
mentioned  families,  to  send  a  certain  number  of  the 
heads  of  families  with  the  said  Jesse  desforests  to  in- 
spect the  region  and  themselves  select  their  place  of 
abode,  there  were  chosen  for  this  purpose  Louis  le 
Maire,  Bartheleme  Digan,  Anthoine  Descendre,  An- 
thoine  Beaumont,  Jehan  Godebon,  Abraham  Douillers, 

1  Apparently  a  translation  of  the  Dutch  name  de  Duyf,  or 
het  Duyf  ken.  Johannes  de  Laet,  Historie  ofte  Iaerlijck  Ferhael, 
pp.  22  and  132,  mentions  a  yacht  '/  Duyf  ken,  of  36  lasts, 
which  was  fitted  out  in  1624  and  again  in  1628.  This  was 
evidently  another  vessel. 

2  A  Dutch  ship's  last  was  about  two  tons. 

[  189  ] 


Journal  d'un  Voyage  a  Guiane 


1623  Dominique  Masure,  Jehan  et  Gilles  Daynes  freres 
et  Jehan  Mousnier  de  la  Montagne  sur  lesquels  fut 
donne  le  commendement  estans  sur  terre  audict  Jesse 
desforest. 

1  Jeuilkt  Le  Samedy  premier  iour  de  Moys  de  Jeuillet  1623 
nous  fusmes  embarques  sur  ledict  nauire  le  Pigeon  pour 
faire  le  voyage  des  Amazones 

Le  Dimanche  second  du  diet  mois  fismes  voille 
d'Amsterdam  vers  le  Texel 

Le  Mardy  nous  arrivasmes  audict  Texel 

Le  Dimanche  sexiesme  iour  dudict  moys  le  vent 
estant  Ost  Zud  Ost  nostre  nauire  leua  les  anchres 
dudict  Texel  a  dix  heures  du  matin  pour  faire  voille 
auecq  la  flotte  esquipee  pour  la  Guinee  mais  a  cause 
que  la  Macquereau  qui  deuoit  venir  auecq  nous  iusques 


[   J9°  ] 


Journal  of  a  Voyage  to  Guiana 

Dominique  Masure,  the   brothers  Jehan   and  Gilles    1623 
Daynes,  and  Jehan  Mousnier  de  la  Montagne,  over 
whom  on  landing  the  said  Jesse  desforest  was  to  have 
command. 

On  Saturday  the  first  day  of  the  month  of  July,  1623,    July  1 
we  embarked  on  the  said  ship  Pigeon  to  make  the  voy- 
age up  the  Amazons. 

On  Sunday  the  second  of  the  said  month  we  set  sail 
from  Amsterdam  towards  the  Texel. 

On  Tuesday  we  arrived  at  the  said  Texel. 

On  Sunday  the  16th  day  of  the  said  month,  the 
wind  being  East  South  East,  our  ship  weighed  anchor 
from  the  said  Texel  at  10  o'clock  in  the  morning  in 
order  to  sail  with  the  fleet  fitted  out  for  Guinea;  but  as 
the  Mackerel,1  which  was  to  come  with  us  as  far  as  the 

1  This  reference  to  the  Mackerel  is  of  interest  in  connec- 
tion with  the  much  disputed  date  of  the  first  actual  settle- 
ment of  the  island  of  Manhattan.  According  to  Nicolaes 
van  Wassenaer,  Historisch  Verhael,  part  vn,  pp.  10-11 
verso  (translated  in  J.  F.  Jameson,  Narratives  of  New 
Netherland,  pp.  74-76),  the  yacht  Mackerel  had  "lain 
above"  —  i.e.,  near  Fort  Orange  on  the  Hudson  River  — 
when  the  ship  New  Netherland,  with  a  company  of  30 
families,  "mostly  Walloons,"  the  first  genuine  settlers, 
arrived  in  May  at  the  mouth  of  the  Hudson  River.  Owing 
to  the  fact  that  Wassenaer's  account  is  dated  April,  1624, 
many  historians,  apparently  thinking  that  this  date  repre- 
sents the  time  when  the  account  was  written,  rather  than 
the  approximate  date  when  the  events  took  place,  have 
reasoned  that  the  arrival  of  the  New  Netherland,  and  con- 
sequently the  actual  foundation  of  what  is  now  the  city  of 

[  '91  ] 


Journal  d'un  Voyage  a  Guiane 

1623  aux  Amazones  et  de  la  au  Nieu  Nederland  n'estoit  pas 
16  Jeuilkt  encQre  racoustre  de  son  mast  qu'une  fluste  la  nuict 
precedente  venant  a  la  trauerse  luy  auoit  rompu  nous 
fusmes  contraincts  anchrer  derechef  iusques  a  deux 
heures  du  soir  ou  nous  sortismes  ensemble  peu  apres 
nous  eusmes  la  veue  de  la  flotte  de  Guinee. 

Le  Lundy  dixseptiesme  le  vent  se  calma  puis  se 
fortifia  au  Zud  West  qui  nous  contraignit  loueer  au 
soir  nous  vismes  les  clochers  de  Delf  et  de  La  Brille 

Le  Mardy  dix  huictiesme  continuant  mesme  vent 
nous  ioignismes  la  flotte  du  Capitaine  Couast  esquipee 
pour  Maroquee  au  soir  se  leua  vn  petit  vent  Ost  Nord 
Ost  auecq  lequel  nous  courusmes  Zud  Zud  West. 

Le  Mercredy  dixneufiesme  continua  mesme  vent 
nostre  cours  Zud  West  a  deux  heures  appres  midy  nous 
vismes  Calais  etDouure  a  ceste  heure  le  vent  se  tourna 
Zud  West  qui  nous  contraignit  loueer  puis  anchrer  sur 
le  soir  se  leua  un  grand  orage  et  vn  fort  vent  de  LWest 
Nord  West  qui  nous  fit  leuer  l'anchre 

Le  Jeudy  vingtiesme  le  Maquereau  ne  nous  pouuant 
suiure  elle  nous  en  donna  le  signal  de  lattandre  ce  qui 


[   J92  ] 


Journal  of  a  Voyage  to  Guiana 


Amazons  and  from  there  to  go  to  New  Netherland,  had    1623 
not  yet  mended  her  mast  which  had  been  broken  the    July  l6 
night  before  by  a  store  ship  getting  in  her  way,  we  were 
obliged  to  anchor  again  until  2  o'clock  in  the  afternoon 
when  we  came  out  together.    Shortly  after,  we  had  a 
sight  of  the  Guinea  fleet. 

On  Monday  the  17th  the  wind  fell,  then  strength- 
ened, changing  to  the  South  West,  which  obliged  us  to 
tack;  in  the  evening  we  saw  the  towers  of  Delft  and  of 
La  Brille. 

On  Tuesday  the  18th,  the  wind  continuing  the  same, 
we  joined  the  fleet  of  Captain  Couast  fitted  out  for 
Morocco.  In  the  evening  a  slight  breeze  rose  East 
North  East  with  which  we  ran  South  South  West. 

On  Wednesday  the  19th  the  same  wind  continued  — 
our  course  South  West.  At  2  o'clock  in  the  afternoon 
we  saw  Calais  and  Dover.  At  that  hour  the  wind 
turned  South  West,  which  forced  us  to  tack  and  then 
to  anchor.  Toward  evening  a  great  storm  arose  and  a 
strong  wind  from  the  West  North  West,  which  caused 
us  to  weigh  anchor. 

On  Thursday  the  20th  the  Mackerel,  being  unable  to 
follow  us,  signaled  us  to  wait  for  her,  which  made  us 

New  York,  must  have  taken  place  in  May,  1623.  The 
present  journal,  from  which  it  appears  that  the  Mackerel 
did  not  sail  till  July,  1623,  and  consequently  could  not  have 
met  the  New  Netherland  till  May,  1624,  clearly  shows  that 
the  assumption  that  the  settlement  began  in  1623  is  errone- 
ous and  that  1624  is  the  correct  date. 

[  J93  ] 


Journal  d'un  Voyage  a  Guiane 


1623    nous  fit  perdre  la  flotte  de  Guinee  que  nous  auions 
zojeuillet    preSque  iointe  pour  nous  retirer  a  Duns. 

Le  Vandredy  vingt  et  vniesme  la  flotte  du  Capitaine 
Couast  arriva  audict  Duns  ce  iour  on  nous  distribua 
deux  fromages  pour  chescune  personne  pour  tout  le 
voyage. 

Le  Samedy  vingtdeuxiesme  nous  prismes  de  l'eau. 

Le  Mardy  nous  eusmes  le  vent  Nort  quart  a  l'West 
qui  nous  fit  leuer  l'anchre  pour  poursuiure  nostre 
voyage  mais  comme  nous  estions  au  droit  de  Gaston  il 
se  changea  au  Zud  West  enuiron  les  deux  heures  nous 
fusmes  contraincts  de  loueer  sans  grand  avance  sur  le 
soir  se  leua  une  tempeste  qui  nous  fit  abatir  nos  voilles 
et  Hotter  ainsi  toute  la  nuict. 

Le  Mercredy  vingt  sixieme  voyant  que  nous  ne 
pouuions  avancer  nous  retournasmes  enchrer  derechef 
a  Duns  ou  nous  arrivasmes  sur  les  deux  heures  appres 
midy 

Le  Jeudy  vingt  septiesme  on  nous  distribua  le  pain  a 
raison  de  trois  livres  et  demie  par  semaine  a  chescun. 

Le  Vandredy  vingt  huictiesme  nostre  maistre  de 
nauire  inuita  a  son  bord  Pieter  Jass  de  Flissingues  et  le 
maistre  du  Maquereau  ou  appres  auoir  fort  bien  sur- 
uint  une  querelle  entre  nostre  maistre  et  les  principaux 
mariniers  du  nauire  de  sorte  qu'apres  plusieurs  injures 


[  J94  ] 


Journal  of  a  Voyage  to  Guiana 

lose  the  Guinea  fleet,  which  we  had  almost  joined,  and    1623 
go  back  to  the  Downs.1  July  20 

On  Friday  the  21st  Captain  Couast's  fleet  arrived  at 
the  said  Downs.  This  day  there  were  distributed  to  us 
two  cheeses  apiece  for  the  whole  voyage. 

On  Saturday  the  22nd  we  took  in  water. 

On  Tuesday  we  had  the  wind  North  a  quarter  West, 
which  made  us  weigh  anchor  and  continue  our  voyage, 
but  when  we  were  to  the  right  of  Gaston 2  it  changed 
to  the  South  West.  About  2  o'clock  we  were  obliged  to 
tack  without  making  much  progress.  In  the  evening  a 
storm  arose  which  caused  us  to  lower  our  sails  and  to 
ride  thus  all  night. 

On  Wednesday  the  26th,  seeing  that  we  could  not 
go  on,  we  returned  to  anchor  again  in  the  Downs, 
where  we  arrived  towards  2  o'clock  in  the  afternoon. 

On  Thursday  the  27th  bread  was  distributed  to  us 
at  the  rate  of  three  pounds  and  a  half  a  week  for  each 
person. 

On  Friday  the  28th  our  ship's  Master  invited  on 
board  Pieter  Jansz  of  Flushing  and  the  Master  of  the 
Mackerel,  and  after  a  hearty  carouse  a  quarrel  sprang 
up  between  our  Master  and  the  chief  mariners  of  the 

1  The  Downs:  an  extensive  anchorage  off  the  coast  of 
Kent,  between  Deal  &  South  Foreland,  protected  largely  by 
the  sunken  bars  known  as  Goodwin  Sands. 

2  Hastings. 

[  '95] 


Journal  d'un  Voyage  a  Guiane 


1623  dites  de  part  et  d'autre  nostre  diet  Maistre  et  celuy  du 
28  Jeuillet  Maquereau  qui  le  vouloit  soutenir  furent  fort  outrages 
et  batus  sur  le  soir  quitterent  le  nauire  le  Chirurgien 
le  Canonnier  le  Cherpantier  le  Cuisinier  et  peu  appres 
le  Contremaistre  auecq  quelques  autres  au  nombre  de 
sept. 

Le  Samedy  vers  le  soir  le  vent  se  fit  Nord  Ost  ce  qui 
fit  leuer  l'anchre  a  plusieurs  nauires  ce  que  nous  ne 
peumes  faire  pour  l'absence  de  nostre  maistre  et  du 
commis  qui  estoient  alles  a  terre  chercher  leurs  gens 
au  soir  estans  de  retour  et  ne  les  ayant  peu  trouuer  ils 
s'en  allerent  a  cincq  nauires  des  Estats  qui  estoient 
la  anchres  pour  en  auoir  dautres  en  leur  place  a  son 
retour  il  amena  vn  Canonnier  et  quatre  matelots. 

Le  Dimanche  trentiesme  le  vent  estant  Ost  nous 
leuasmes  les  anchres  du  diet  Duns 

Le  Lundy  dernier  jour  de  Jeuillet  le  vent  se  fit  N. 
a  midy  nous  eusmes  la  veue  de  lisle  de  Wicht. 

/  Aoust  Le  Mardi  premier  iour  d'Aoust  le  vent  se  changea 
Zud  West  et  peu  apres  Zud  Zud  West  sur  les  deux 
heures  nous  vismes  Portland  sur  le  soir  se  leua  une 
brume  fort  espaisse  auecq  un  vent  Zud  West  nous 
loueasmes  toute  la  nuict. 

Le  Mercredy  second  d'Aoust  le  vent  fut  Nord  West 
nostre  cours  West  Zud  West  ce  iour  nous  vismes  Torbay 


[   ,96] 


Journal  of  a  Voyage  to  Guiana 

vessel,  the  upshot  of  which  was  that  after  several  1623 
insults  on  both  sides,  our  said  Master  and  the  Master  •>  y 
of  the  Mackerel,  who  thought  to  support  him,  were 
very  much  abused  and  beaten.  In  the  evening  the  Sur- 
geon, the  Gunner,  the  Carpenter,  the  Cook,  and  shortly 
afterwards  the  Quartermaster  left  the  ship  with  several 
others  to  the  number  of  seven. 

On  Saturday  towards  evening  the  wind  turned 
North  East,  which  caused  several  vessels  to  weigh 
anchor,  which  we  could  not  do  by  reason  of  the  absence 
of  our  Master  and  the  Supercargo,  who  had  gone  on 
shore  to  look  for  their  men.  In  the  evening,  having 
returned  without  being  able  to  find  them,  they  went 
to  five  States'  vessels  which  were  anchored  there  to 
procure  some  others  in  their  place.  On  his  return  he 
brought  back  a  Gunner  and  four  sailors. 

On  Sunday  the  30th,  the  wind  being  East,  we  weighed 
anchor  from  the  said  Downs. 

On  Monday  the  last  day  of  July  the  wind  was  north. 
At  midday  we  sighted  the  Isle  of  Wight. 

On  Tuesday  the  1st  day  of  August  the  wind  changed    August  1 
to  South  West  and  shortly  after  to  South  South  West. 
At  2  o'clock  we  sighted  Portland.    In  the  evening  a 
thick  fog  set  in  with  a  South  West  wind.  We  tacked  all 
night. 

On  Wednesday  the  2nd  of  August  the  wind  was 
North  West  —  our  course  West  South  West.  This  day 
we  sighted  Torbay.    Towards  evening  the  wind  was 

[  J97  ] 


Journal  d'uri  Voyage  a.  Guiane 


1623    sur  le  soir  le  vent  se  fit  West  quart  au  Zud  qui  nous  fit 
a  Aoust    \oueer  ia  maquerelle  s'enchra  sans  nous  en  aduertir 
qui  nous  fit  continuer  sans  elle. 

Le  Jeudy  continuant  mesme  vent  nous  fusmes  en- 
chres  a  Pleimouth  pour  y  chercher  vn  chirugien  et  vn 
cherpentier  ou  nous  arrivasmes  sur  les  7  heures  du  soir 
ce  iour  on  nous  donna  le  pain  a  raison  de  quartre  liures 
la  Semaine. 

Le  Salmedy  cincquiesme  le  Maquereau  arriua  aupres 
de  nous  ce  mesme  iour  nostre  Maistre  trouua  vn 
Chirurgien  et  deux  Cherpantieres. 

Le  Dimanche  sixiesme  notre  Chirurgien  espousa. 

Le  Lundy  nostre  Maistre  inuita  a  son  Bord  tous  les 
amys  de  nostre  chirurgien  lesquels  il  traita. 

Le  Jeudy  vingt  quatriesme  nostre  diet  Maistre 
chargea  six  cents  liures  de  biscuit  et  demi  last  de  Biere. 

Le  Jeudy  dernier  iour  d'Aoust  le  vent  qui  auoit  tou- 
jours  este  contraire  se  fit  Ost  ce  qui  nous  fit  leuer  les 
anchres  pour  continuer  nostre  voyage  peu  apres  il  se 
changea  au  Zud  Zud  West  qui  nous  fit  loueer  toute  la 
nuit  ce  iour  nous  eusmes  la  premiere  fois  le  pain  sans 
peser. 

1  Septembre  Le  Vrendredy  premier  iour  de  Septembre  le  mesme 
vent  dura  auecq  vne  bruyne  espaisse  au  soir  il  se 
fit  West  quart  au  Zud  nostre  cours  Z  a  minuit  il  se  fit 
Nord  West  qui  nous  fit  mettre  au  Zud  West. 

[  '98] 


Journal  of  a  Voyage  to  Guiana 


West  a  quarter  South,  which  caused  us  to  tack.   The    1623 
Mackerel  anchored  without  telling  us  and  we  went  on    August  2 
without  her. 

On  Thursday,  the  same  wind  continuing,  we  came  to 
anchor  at  Plymouth,  there  to  look  for  a  doctor  and  a 
carpenter.  We  arrived  at  7  o'clock  in  the  evening.  This 
day  bread  was  given  us  at  the  rate  of  four  pounds  a 
week. 

On  Saturday  the  5th  the  Mackerel  came  up  with  us; 
the  same  day  our  Master  found  a  Surgeon  and  two 
Carpenters. 

% 

On  Sunday  the  16th  our  Surgeon  was  married. 

On  Monday  our  Master  invited  on  board  all  our 
Surgeon's  friends  and  entertained  them. 

On  Thursday  the  24th  our  said  Master  loaded  six 
hundred  pounds  of  biscuit  and  half  a  last  of  beer. 

On  Thursday  the  last  day  of  August  the  wind,  which 
had  been  steadily  contrary,  became  East,  enabling  us 
to  weigh  anchor  and  continue  our  voyage.  Shortly 
after  it  changed  to  South  South  West,  obliging  us  to 
tack  all  night.  This  day  for  the  first  time  we  had  bread 
without  its  being  weighed. 

On  Friday  the  1st  day  of  September  the  same  wind    September  1 
continued  with  a  thick  fog.  In  the  evening  it  was  West 
a  quarter  South  —  our  course  South.   At  midnight  it 
changed  to  the  North  West,  which  made  us  put  the 
ship's  head  to  the  South  West. 

[  J99  ] 


Journal  d'un  Voyage  a  Guiane 

1623  Le  Samedy  second  jour  de  Septembre  le  mesme  vent 
z  Septembre  mais  s[  fort  qu'il  nous  fallut  freller  nos  hunnieres  nostre 
cours  Zud  West  puis  West  Zud  West  au  soir  nous 
mismes  nostre  cours  au  Zud  West  quart  a  l'West  la 
nuict  le  vent  se  fit  si  grand  que  nous  ne  peusmes  porter 
que  nostre  grand  voille  demi-amayner. 

Le  Dimanche  troiziesme  bon  vent  du  Nord  West 
nostre  cours  Zud  West  quart  au  Zud  a  midy  nous 
eusmes  48  degres  et  8  minutes  de  hauteur  au  soir  vint 
vn  calme  qui  dura  toute  la  nuict. 

Le  Lundy  quatriesme  le  vent  Zud  quart  a  l'West  qui 
nous  fit  courre  West  quart  au  Zud  a  midy  nous  eusmes 
47  degres  57  minutes  de  hauteur  au  soir  il  se  changea 
au  Zud  West  qui  nous  fit  loueer. 

Le  Mardy  cincquiesme  le  vent  Nord  West  nostre 
cours  Zud  West  quart  au  Zud  et  Zud  Zud  West  a  midy 
nous  eusmes  46  degres  40  minutes  sur  les  trois  heures 
nous  vismes  un  nauire  au  Zud  Ost  de  nous  nous  le 
cachasmes  jusques  a  la  nuict  qui  nous  le  fit  perdre 
nostre  Maistre  le  vouloit  poursuivre  non  obstant  la 
nuict  et  le  gre  du  Pilite  mais  enfin  nous  eusmes  nostre 
cours  au  Zud  West. 

Le  Mercredy  sixiesme  le  vent  Nord  nostre  cours  Zud 
Zud  West  a  midy  nous  eusmes  la  hauteur  de  44  degres 
27  minutes  au  soir  nous  mismes  le  Cap  au  Zud  puis 
apres  Zud  quart  a  l'Ost. 


200 


Journal  of  a  Voyage  to  Guiana 

On  Saturday  the  2nd  day  of  September  the  same  1623 
wind,  but  so  strong  that  we  were  obliged  to  furl  our  SePtembeT  2 
topsails  —  our  course  South  West,  then  West  South 
West.  In  the  evening  we  laid  our  course  to  the  South 
West  a  quarter  West.  At  night  the  wind  was  so 
strong  that  we  could  only  carry  our  mainsail  half 
hauled  up. 

On  Sunday  the  3rd  —  a  fair  wind  from  the  North 
West  —  our  course  South  West  a  quarter  South.  At 
midday  we  were  in  latitude  48  degrees  8  minutes;  in 
the  evening  it  fell  calm,  which  lasted  all  night. 

On  Monday  the  4th  the  wind  South  a  quarter  West, 
which  made  us  run  West  a  quarter  South.  At  midday 
we  were  in  latitude  47  degrees  57  minutes.  In  the  even- 
ing the  wind  changed  to  the  South  West,  which  caused 
us  to  tack. 

On  Tuesday  the  5th  the  wind  North  West  —  our 
course  South  West  a  quarter  South,  and  South  South 
West.  At  midday  we  were  in  North  latitude  46  degrees 
40  minutes.  At  3  o'clock  we  sighted  a  vessel  to  the 
South  East  of  us.  We  gave  chase  till  nightfall,  and 
then  lost  her.  Our  Master  was  anxious  to  pursue  her 
in  spite  of  the  night  and  the  wish  of  the  Pilot;  but 
finally  we  continued  our  course  to  the  South  West. 

On  Wednesday  the  6th  the  wind  North  —  our  course 
South  South  West.  At  midday  we  were  in  latitude  44 
degrees  27  minutes.  In  the  evening  we  put  the  ship's 
head  to  the  Southward,  then  afterwards  South  a  quar- 
ter East. 

[  2QI    ] 


Journal  d'un  Voyage  a  Guiane 

1623  Le  Jeudy  septiesme  le  vent  Wet  West  Zud  West 
7  Septembre  nostre  cours  Zud  et  Zud  quart  a  l'Ost  nous  eusmes  la 
veue  du  Cap  de  Finisterra  a  midy  nous  nous  trouu- 
asmes  auoir  43  degres  25  minutes  de  hauteur  sur  le  soir 
nous  mismes  le  cap  au  Zud  Zud  Ost  pour  ranger  les 
costes  d'Espagne. 

Le  Vrendredy  huictiesme  nous  eusmes  la  veue  d'un 
nauire  au  Zud  Ost  de  nous  qui  couroit  vers  Bayonne 
d'Espagne  nous  le  poursuivismes  a  force  de  rames  a 
cause  du  calme  nous  trouuasmes  l'ayant  attaint  que 
cestoit  vn  Anglois  des  Isles  de  Jarsay  qui  venoit  de 
Terre  neuue  nostre  Maistre  fut  a  son  bord  qui  apporta 
oultre  quelque  prouision  forces  hardes  prises  dans  les 
coffres  des  matelots  que  nostre  capitaine  et  le  Pilote 
firent  rendre  sur  les  deux  heures  appres  plusieurs  con- 
testations entre  le  Maistre  et  Pilote  prouenantes  de  ce 
que  nostre  diet  Maistre  contre  sa  charge  mettant  en 
arriere  son  voyage  voulloit  toujours  suiure  les  costes 
nous  mismes  nostre  cours  au  Zud  Zud  West. 

Le  Samedy  neufiesme  deux  heures  auant  iour  nous 
fusmes  rancontre  d'un  nauire  Turc  qui  nous  suiuit 
iusques  au  iour  a  lapproche  il  nous  tira  vn  coup  de 
canon  pour  nous  faire  amayner  mais  voyant  que  nous 
n'en  voullions  rien  faire  et  que  nous  estions  aussi  forts 
que  luy  il  nous  quitta  a  midy  nous  eusmes  la  hauteur 
de  trente  neuf  degres  et  58  minutes  le  vent  Nord  Nord 
West  nostre  cours  Zud  Zud  West  et  Zud  West  quart  au 
Zud. 

Le  Dimanche  dixiesme  nous  eusmes  le  vent  Nord 
nostre  cours  comme  devant  a  midy  nous  eusmes  la 
hauteur  de  37  degres  52  minutes. 

[   202 


Journal  of  a  Voyage  to  Guiana 

On  Thursday  the  7th  the  wind  West,  West  South    1623 
West — our  course  South  and  South  a  quarter  East.    Sei>tember  7 
We  sighted  Cape  Finisterre.  At  midday  we  found  we 
were  in  latitude  43  degrees  25  minutes.  In  the  evening 
we  put  the  ship's  head  to  the  South  South  East  to  sail 
close  to  the  coast  of  Spain. 

On  Friday  the  8th  we  sighted  a  vessel  to  the  South 
East  of  us  running  towards  Spanish  Bayonne.  We 
pursued  it  with  oars  because  of  the  calm,  and  found 
upon  reaching  it  that  it  was  an  Englishman  of  the 
Island  of  Jersey,  coming  from  Newfoundland.  Our 
master  boarded  her  and  brought  away,  besides  some 
provisions,  much  clothing  taken  from  the  sailors' 
chests,  which  our  Captain  and  the  Pilot  caused  to  be 
returned.  About  2  o'clock,  after  several  disputes 
between  the  Master  and  the  Pilot  because  our  said 
Master,  contrary  to  his  orders,  would  delay  the  voy- 
age by  hugging  the  coast,  we  laid  our  course  South 
South  West. 

On  Saturday  the  9th,  two  hours  before  daybreak, 
we  were  met  by  a  Turkish  vessel  which  followed  us  till 
daylight.  As  she  approached,  she  fired  a  cannon  in 
order  to  make  us  lower  our  sails,  but  seeing  that  we 
would  not  and  that  we  were  as  strong  as  she  was,  she 
left  us.  At  noon  we  were  in  latitude  39  degrees  and 
58  minutes,  the  wind  North  North  West  —  our 
course  South  South  West  and  South  West  a  quarter 
South. 

On  Sunday  the  10th  we  had  a  North  wind,  our 
course  as  before.  At  noon  we  were  in  latitude  37 
degrees  52  minutes. 

[  2°3  ] 


Journal  cTun  Voyage  a  Guiane 

1623       Le  Lundy  vnzieme  le  vent  fut  Nord  Nord  Ost  mais 
11  Septembre    £ort:  petit  nostre  cours  comme  dessus  Zud  Zud  West  et 
Zud  West  quart  au  Zud  a  midy  nous  nous  trouuasmes 
a  3  5  degres  42  minutes  de  hauteur. 

Le  Mardy  douziesme  le  vent  West  Zud  West  qui 
nous  fit  courre  Zud  quart  a  l'Ost  a  midy  nous  trou- 
uasmes que  nous  estions  a  34  degres  34  minutes  de 
hauteur. 

Le  Mercredy  treziesme  le  vent  Zud  West  nostre 
cours  comme  dessus  a  midy  nous  eusmes  la  hauteur 
de  32  degres  40  minutes  a  ceste  heure  le  vent  se  fit 
West  nostre  cours  Zud  West  quart  a  l'West  a  6  heures 
le  vent  fut  West  quart  au  Nord  nostre  cours  Zud  West. 

Le  Jeudy  quatorziesme  le  vent  Nord  Nord  Ost  nostre 
cours  Zud  West  a  midy  nous  eusmes  la  hauteur  de  3 1 
degres  54  minutes  vers  le  soir  le  vent  se  fit  Nord  ce  iour 
le  Maquereau  qui  auoit  toujours  este  auecq  nous  nous 
quitta  prenant  son  cours  vers  Nieu  Nederland. 

Le  Vandredy  quinziesme  bon  vent  du  Nord  Ost  nous 
mismes  nostre  cours  au  Zud  quart  a  l'West  pour  passer 
a  l'Ost  des  Isles  Saluages  que  nous  vismes  enuiron  les 
vnze  heures  a  midy  nous  eusmes  30  degres  15  minutes 
de  hauteur  estant  a  l'Ost  dicelles  nous  mismes  le  cap 
au  Zud  pour  courir  vers  Tenerife  courant  toute  la 
nuict  a  petites  voiles  a  minuit  nous  mismes  vent  en 
panne  pour  attendre  le  iour. 


[  2°4  ] 


Journal  of  a  Voyage  to  Guiana 

On  Monday  the  nth  the  wind  was   North  North    1623 
East  but  very  slight  —  our  course  as  above    South    SePteml>er " 
South  West  and  South  West  a  quarter  South.    At  noon 
we  found  ourselves  in  latitude  35  degrees  42  minutes. 

On  Tuesday  the  12th  the  wind  West  South  West, 
which  made  us  run  South  a  quarter  East.  At  midday 
we  found  that  we  were  in  latitude  34  degrees  34  min- 
utes. 

On  Wednesday  the  13th  the  wind  South  West,  our 
course  as  above.  At  noon  we  were  in  latitude  32  de- 
grees 40  minutes.  At  this  time  the  wind  was  West, 
our  course  South  West  a  quarter  West.  At  6  o'clock 
the  wind  was  West  a  quarter  North,  our  course  South 
West. 

On  Thursday  the  14th  the  wind  North  North  East, 
our  course  South  West.  At  noon  we  were  in  latitude  3 1 
degrees  54  minutes.  Towards  the  evening  the  wind 
shifted  North.  This  day  the  Mackerel,  who  had  been 
with  us  all  the  time,  left  us,  taking  her  course  towards  * 
New  Netherland. 

On  Friday  the  15th  a  favorable  wind  from  the  North 
East.  We  sailed  to  the  South  a  quarter  West,  in  order 
to  pass  to  the  East  of  the  Savage  Islands,1  which  we 
sighted  about  n  o'clock.  At  noon  we  were  in  latitude 
30  degrees  15  minutes.  Being  to  the  East  of  those 
islands,  we  put  the  ship's  head  to  the  South  towards 
Teneriffe,  running  all  night  under  close  sail.  At  mid- 
night we  hove  to  in  order  to  await  the  day. 

1  Desertas  Island,  part  of  the  Madeira  group. 

[  205  ] 


Journal  d'un  Voyage  a  Guiane 

1623       Le  Salmedy  sixiesme  a  soleil  leue  nous  vismes  le 
16  Septembre   haulte  Isle  de  Teneriffe  deuant  nous   au  Zud  nous 
courusmes  le  long  dicelle  a  la  coste  du  le  vent 

estant  Nord  Ost  a  vne  heure  appres  midy  nous  vismes 
le  Pic  de  Gerrachique  le  sommet  duquel  paroissoit  fort 
a  descouuert  il  sembloit  passer  de  la  moitie  de  sa  hau- 
teur les  plus  hautes  uues  a  3  heures  nous  estions  au 
droit  de  la  ville  de  Guerrachique  sise  au  pied  des  mon- 
tagnes  en  vne  plaine  qui  est  entre  la  mer  et  icelles  a  la 
pointe  occidentale  de  l'Isle  nous  mismes  au  Nord  West 
vers  La  Palma  a  4  heures  nous  vismes  l'isle  de  Gomera 
a  l'West  Zud  West  de  nous  au  soir  le  vent  se  renforca 
tellement  qu'il  nous  fallut  amainer  nos  bourcets  et 
courir  Zud  Zud  West. 

Le  Dimanche  dixseptiesme  continuant  mesme  vent 
nous  vismes  Ferro  au  Nord  de  nous  a  midy  nous  eusmes 
la  haute-  de  26  degres  49  minutes  nostre  cours  Zud 
Zud  West  de  nuict  nous  prismes  la  hauteur  au  dard  du 
Sagitaire  et  eusmes  25  degres  30  minutes. 

Le  Lundy  dixhuitiesme  le  vent  fut  Ost  Nord  Ost 
nostre  cours  comme  dessus  a  midy  nous  eusmes  24  de- 
gres 43  minutes  a  cet  heure  nous  vismes  deux  nauires  a 
l'West  Zud  West  de  nous  les  ayans  approches  voyant 
que  cestoient  deux  grands  nauires  qui  nous  attandoient 
nous  reprismes  nostre  cours  ce  jour  nous  vismes  les 
premiers  poissons  vollans. 


[   206   ] 


Journal  of  a  Voyage  to  Guiana 


On  Saturday  the  16th  at  sunrise  we  saw  the  lofty    1623 
Island  of  Teneriffe  ahead  of  us  to  the  South.   We  ran    September  16 
the  length  of  it  to  the  coast  of  the  wind  being 

North  East.  At  one  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  we  saw 
the  peak  of  Garachico,1  the  top  of  which  stood  out 
boldly  and  seemed  to  be  half  as  high  again  as  the  highest 
peaks  in  sight.  At  3  o'clock  we  were  to  the  right  of 
the  town  of  Garachico,  situated  at  the  foot  of  the  moun- 
tains in  a  plain  lying  between  them  and  the  sea.  At 
the  west  point  of  the  Island  we  put  about  to  the  North 
West  towards  Palma.  At  4  o'clock  we  saw  the  Island 
of  Gomera  to  the  West  South  West  of  us.  In  the  even- 
ing the  wind  grew  so  strong  that  we  were  obliged  to 
lower  our  lug  sails  and  to  run  South  South  West. 

On  Sunday  the  17th,  the  same  wind  continuing,  we 
saw  Ferro  to  the  North  of  us.  At  midday  we  were  in 
latitude  26  degrees  49  minutes,  our  course  South 
South  West.  At  night  we  calculated  the  latitude  by 
the  arrow  of  Sagittarius  and  found  it  25  degrees  30 
minutes. 

On  Monday  the  18th  the  wind  was  East  North 
East,  our  course  as  above.  At  noon  we  were  in  24  de- 
grees 43  minutes  North  latitude.  At  that  time  we 
sighted  two  ships  to  the  West  South  West  of  us.  Hav- 
ing approached  them  and  seen  that  they  were  both 
large  ships  and  were  waiting  for  us,  we  resumed  our 
course.  This  day  we  saw  the  first  flying  fish. 

1  In  1706  a  stream  of  lava  flowed  down  the  side  of  this 
peak  and  nearly  filled  up  the  harbor  of  Garachico,  men- 
tioned below. 

[    207    ] 


Journal  d'un  Voyage  a  Guiane 


1623       Le  Mardy  dixneufiesme  tomberent  aii  matin  force 

igSeptembre   p0issons  vollans  en  nostre  nauire  a  midy  nous  nous 

trouuasmes  a  22  degres  55  minutes  ayants  passe  le 

Tropicq  le  vent  Nord  Ost  nostre  cours  comme  dessus 

Le  Mercredy  vingtiesme  mesme  vent  et  fort  qui  nous 
fit  beaucoup  auancer  a  midy  nous  eusmes  19  degres  55 
minutes  nous  mismes  nostre  cours  au  Zud  quart  a 
l'West. 

Le  Jeudy  vingt  uniesme  mesme  vent  et  mesme  cours 
nous  eusmes  a  midy  17  degres  45  minutes. 

Le  Vrendredy  ne  voyant  point  l'isle  de  Sal  sur  la- 
quelle  nous  estimions  courir  nous  mismes  le  cap  a  l'Ost 
Zud  Ost  et  sur  les  neuf  heures  Zud  West  quart  a  l'West 
pour  la  trouuer  a  cause  que  les  chartes  de  nostre 
Maistre  et  Pilote  estoient  differentes  de  25  lieues  Ost 
et  West. 

Le  Salmedy  vingt  troiziesme  nous  courusmes  West 
quart  au  Nord  pour  ce  que  nous  croyons  estre  au  Zud 
des  Isles  de  nuict  nous  auions  couru  Zud  quart  a  l'Ost  et 
puis  Zud  West  a  Vnxe  heure  nous  vismes  au  Nord  West 
quart  a  l'West  de  nous  vne  Isle  que  nous  trouuasmes 
estre  Bona  vista  vers  laquelle  nous  courusmes  ceste 
Isle  est  fort  montagneuse  et  enuironnee  de  rochers  en 
mer  Sans  aucun  haure  n'y  rade  pour  anchre  au  soir 
nous  nous  trouuasmes  vis  a  vis  dune  Baye  au  coste 
du  de  lisle  nous  courusmes  en  mer  pour  la  nuict. 

Le  Dimanche  vingt  quatriesme  nous  courusmes  vers 

[   208   ] 


Journal  of  a  Voyage  to  Guiana 

On  Tuesday  the  19th  a  great  many  flying  fish  fell    1623 
into  our  ship.  At  noon  we  found  ourselves  in  latitude   Somber  l9 
22  degrees  55  minutes,  having  passed  the  Tropic.  The 
wind  North  East  —  our  course  as  above. 

On  Wednesday  the  20th  the  same  wind  and  strong, 
which  caused  us  to  make  great  progress.  At  noon  we 
were  in  latitude  19  degrees  55  minutes  and  took  our 
course  South  a  quarter  West. 

On  Thursday  the  21st  the  same  wind  and  the  same 
course.  At  noon  we  were  in  latitude  17  degrees  45 
minutes. 

On  Friday,  not  seeing  the  Island  of  Sal,  toward 
which  we  reckoned  we  were  running,  we  steered  East 
South  East  and  about  9  o'clock  South  West  a  quarter 
West  in  order  to  find  it,  as  the  charts  of  our  Master 
and  Pilot  differed  by  25  leagues  East  and  West. 

On  Saturday  the  23rd  we  ran  West  a  quarter  North 
because  we  thought  we  were  at  the  South  of  the  Is- 
lands. During  the  night  we  had  run  South  a  quarter 
East  and  then  South  West.  At  11  o'clock  we  saw  to 
the  North  West  a  quarter  West  of  us  an  island  which 
we  found  to  be  Buena  Vista,  towards  which  we  ran. 
This  island  is  very  mountainous  and  surrounded  with 
rocks  in  the  sea,  without  any  harbor  or  roadstead  for 
anchorage.  In  the  evening  we  found  ourselves  opposite 
a  bay  on  the  coast  of  the  of  the  island.    We 

stood  out  to  sea  for  the  night. 

On  Sunday  the  24th  we  ran  towards  the  said  bay, 

[    2°9    ] 


Journal  d'un  Voyage  a  Guiane 

1623   la  dite  Baye  esperant  y  anchrer  mais  nous  n'y  trouu- 
24  Septembre   asmes   nul  fond   propre  pour   anchrer   La  Baye  est 
diuise  en  deux  par  vne  Isle  chescune  partie  dicelle  peut 
auoir  enuiron  demie  lieue  nous  mismes  pied  a  terre 
auecq  nostre  cheloupe  en  la  partie  d  auecq 

grand  peril  car  nostre  cheloupe  fut  emplie  des  brisures 
de  la  coste  deux  ou  trois  fois  nous  trouuasmes  l'isle  du 
tout  sterille  sans  arbres  ny  beaucoup  d'herbe  les  mon- 
tagnes  estoient  couuertes  de  pommes  de  Colocinte  il 
n'y  a  avoit  nul  rafraichissement  estant  de  retour  nous 
entrasmes  dans  lautre  partie  mais  n'y  ayant  non  plus 
trouue  de  fond  qu'en  lautre  et  mesme  ayant  failli  a 
toucher  sur  vn  bancq  nous  courusmes  autour  lisle  tant 
que  le  vent  nous  peut  porter  et  puis  nous  mismes  le 
cap  au  Zud  West  quart  a  lWest  courant  ainsi  toute  la 
nuict  dun  fort  vent  de  Nord  Ost. 

Le  Lundy  vingt  cincquiesme  a  la  pointe  du  jour 
nous  nous  trouuasmes  au  Nord  Ost  de  l'isle  de  Sainct 
Jacques  enuiron  deux  lieues  vers  laquelle  nous  cour- 
usmes nous  voyons  lisle  de  May  a  lOst  quart  au  Zud  de 
nous  la  coste  de  lisle  de  Sainct  Jacques  lOst  audict  Zud 
Ost  puis  elle  senclinoit  vers  lWest  quart  au  Nord  et 
Zud  West  en  fin  nous  la  vismes  sestandie  Zud  Zud  Ost 
au  coste  du  l'W  nous  vismes  vne  Baye  en  rond  enui- 
ronnee  comme  le  coste  de  lisle  de  fort  hautes  montagnes 
au  coste  du  Nord  de  la  Baye  il  y  auoit  vne  belle  prairie 
dune  lieue  de  long  qui  sestandoit  de  la  mer  aux  mon- 
tagnes et  au  bout  vers  le  Nord  dicelle  prairie  vn  vilage 
au  Zud  la  prairie  estoit  toute  pleine  de  vaches  de  les 


[    2I°   ] 


Journal  of  a  Voyage  to  Guiana 


hoping  to  anchor  there,  but  we  found  no  suitable  1623 
bottom  for  anchoring.  The  bay  is  divided  in  two  by  September  24 
an  island,  each  part  being  about  half  a  league  [wide]. 
We  landed  with  our  pinnace  [longboat]  in  the  part 
with  great  danger,  for  our  pinnace  was  filled 
two  or  three  times  by  the  breakers  from  the  shore. 
We  found  the  island  quite  barren,  without  trees  or 
much  grass;  the  mountains  were  covered  with  colo- 
cinth  apples,1  and  there  were  no  refreshing  fruits.  On 
our  return  we  ran  into  the  other  part  [of  the  Bay] 
but  having  found  no  better  bottom  there  and  having 
just  missed  grounding  on  a  bank,  we  ran  around  the 
island  as  long  as  the  wind  would  carry  us,  and  then 
steered  to  the  South  West  a  quarter  West,  running 
thus  all  night  with  a  strong  North  East  wind. 

On  Monday  the  25th  at  daybreak  we  found  our- 
selves North  East  of  the  Island  of  Santiago  about  two 
leagues  distant,  towards  which  we  ran.  We  saw  the 
Island  of  Mayo  to  the  East  a  quarter  South  of  us,  the 
coast  of  the  Island  of  Santiago  East  South  East,  then 
it  inclined  towards  the  West  a  quarter  North  and 
South  West;  at  last  we  saw  it  stretching  out  South 
South  East.  On  the  west  side  we  saw  a  round  bay 
surrounded  like  the  coast  of  the  island  by  very  high 
mountains;  on  the  north  side  of  the  bay  there  was  a 
beautiful  meadow  a  league  long  which  stretched  from 
the  sea  to  the  mountains,  and  at  the  end  towards  the 
north  of  this  meadow  was  a  village.  On  the  South  the 

1  Doubtless  the  Colocinthis,  Wild  Citrull,  or  Coloquintida 
of  the  old  herbalists.  Gerarde  says,  "It  cometh  to  perfec- 
tion in  hot  regions."  It  belongs  to  the  Cucumber  or  Melon 
Family  and  was  valued  as  a  violent  purge. 

[  «'  ] 


Journal  d'un  Voyage  a  Guiane 


1623  montagnes  de  Bourgs  au  coste  du  Zud  de  la  Baye  y 
25  Sepumbre  auoit  Vn  autre  vilage  auecq  vn  temple  scitue  au  pied 
des  montagnes  sur  vn  tertre  plat  separe  des  montagnes 
par  vne  valee  il  sembloit  que  ce  fust  vne  ville  tant  la 
nature  y  auoit  sceu  former  vn  relief  comme  vn  rem- 
part  la  Baye  peut  auoir  vne  lieue  de  large  au  Zud 
West  dicelle  nous  voyons  l'isle  de  Fogo  nostre  Maistre 
devalla  a  terre  auecq  sept  hommes  il  park  aux  negres 
qui  luy  promirent  apporter  des  refraichissemens  qui  fit 
que  nous  entrasmes  en  la  Baye  nous  enchrant  a  la  portee 
dune  petite  piece  sur  8  brasses  nous  hallant  au  dedans 
iusques  a  la  portee  dun  pistolet  ou  nous  iettasmes 
lanchre  sur  3  brasses. 

Le  Mardy  vingt  sixiesme  nous  devallasmes  derechef 
a  terre  parler  au  Negres  qui  nous  promirent  de  nous  ap- 
porter ce  iour  des  boucs  et  (autres)  rafraichissement 
nous  prismes  de  leau  et  du  bois  dans  vn  jardin  au  bord 
de  la  Baye. 

Le  Mercredy  nous  prismes  la  hauteur  auecq  lastrol- 
abe  et  trouuasmes  14  degres  30  minutes  ce  iour  voyant 
que  les  Negres  nous  auoient  trompe  et  qu'ils  auoient 
retire  leurs  vaches  aux  montagnes  nous  fismes  voille 
courant  Zud  West  quart  au  Zud  le  Vent  estant  Nord 
Ost  au  soir  le  vent  se  changea  Zud  Ost. 

Le  Jeudy  vingt  huictiesme  au  matin  nous  nous 
trouuasme  entre  Fogo  et  la  Braue  ayant  lune  au  Nord 
et  l'autre  a  l'West  elles  sont  distantes  l'une  de  l'autre 
denuiron  cincq  lieues  encore  que  les  Chartes  les  mettent 
a  dix  la  Braue  ne  contient  guerre  que  la  moitie  de  lautre 

[    2I2  ] 


Journal  of  a  Voyage  to  Guiana 

meadow  was  full  of  cows  from  the  Bourg  mountains.  1623 
On  the  South  side  of  the  bay  there  was  another  village  SePtember  25 
with  a  church  situated  at  the  foot  of  the  mountains  on 
a  level  hillock  separated  from  the  mountains  by  a 
valley.  It  almost  appeared  to  be  a  walled  city  so 
amazingly  had  nature  supplied  it  with  a  seeming  ram- 
part. The  bay  may  be  about  one  league  in  width.  To 
the  South  West  of  the  same  we  saw  the  Island  of  Fogo. 
Our  Master  landed  with  seven  men.  He  spoke  to  the 
negroes,  who  promised  to  bring  him  provisions,  which 
induced  us  to  enter  the  bay  and  to  anchor  in  eight 
fathoms  within  the  range  of  a  small  piece  [cannon], 
hauling  ourselves  up  to  within  pistol  shot,  where  we 
dropped  anchor  in  three  fathoms. 

On  Tuesday  the  26th  we  again  landed  to  speak  to 
the  negroes,  who  promised  to  bring  us  this  day  some 
goats  and  other  provisions.  We  took  in  water  and 
wood  in  a  garden  on  the  edge  of  the  bay. 

On  Wednesday  we  calculated  the  latitude  with  the 
astrolabe  and  found  14  degrees,  30  minutes.  This  day, 
seeing  that  the  negroes  had  deceived  us  and  that  they 
had  taken  away  their  cows  to  the  mountains,  we  set 
sail,  running  South  West  a  quarter  South,  the  wind 
being  North  East.  In  the  evening  the  wind  changed 
to  South  East. 

On  Thursday  the  28th  in  the  morning  we  found  our- 
selves between  Fogo  and  Brava,  having  the  one  to  the 
North  and  the  other  to  the  West.  They  are  distant 
from  one  another  about  five  leagues,  yet  the  charts 
place  them  at  ten.  Brava  is  only  about  half  the  size  of 

[  2I3  ] 


Journal  d'un  Voyage  a  Guiane 


1623   a  cet  heure  nous  mismes  nostre  cours  Zud  West  quart 

28  Septembre    a  l'West  le  vent  fort  variable  tantost  Zud  Ost  tantost 

Nord  Ost  a  midy  nous  eusmes  13  degres  43  minutes  de 

hauteur  de  nuict  le  vent  se  calma  puis  il  se  changea 

au  Zud  qui  nous  fit  courre  West  Zud  West. 

Le  Vrendredy  vingt  neufiesme  le  vent  fut  Nord  Ost 
nostre  cours  Zud  West  et  peu  appres  Zud  West  quart  a 
l'West  ce  jour  nous  eusmes  12  degres  26  minutes  de 
hauteur. 

Le  Salmedy  trentiesme  le  vent  se  fit  Ost  et  fort 
nostre  cours  comme  dessus  a  midy  nous  eusmes  1 1  de- 
gres iustes. 

/  Octobre  Le  Dimanche  premier  iour  d'Octobre  le  vent  fut  fort 
variable  et  en  fin  il  se  fit  Zud  Zud  West  et  fort  nous 
courusmes  West  quart  au  Zud  a  midy  nous  eusmes  10 
degres  30  minutes  de  hauteur  au  soir  le  vent  se  changea 
au  Zud  Zud  Ost  nostre  cours  Zud  West  la  nuict  il  se 
calma. 

Le  Lundy  second  iour  d'October  a  cincq  heures  du 
matin  le  vent  fut  Nord  Ost  nostre  cours  Zud  West  a 
midi  nous  eusmes  10  degres  15  minutes  au  soir  le  vent 
se  fit  Nord  Nord  Ost  puis  apres  Nord  et  asses  fort 
nostre  cours  Zud  West  quart  a  l'West. 

Le  Mardy  troiziesme  le  vent  Nord  Ost  nostre  cours 
Zud  West  quart  a  l'West  a  midy  nous  eusmes  9  degres 


[  2I4  ] 


Journal  of  a  Voyage  to  Guiana 

Fogo.  We  now  took  our  course  South  West,  a  quarter 
West,  the  wind  very  changeable,  sometimes  South 
East,  sometimes  North  East.  At  noon  we  were  in  lati- 
tude 13  degrees,  43  minutes.  During  the  night  the 
wind  dropped,  then  changed  to  the  South,  which 
caused  us  to  run  West  South  West. 


1623 

September  28 


On  Friday  the  29th  the  wind  was  North  East  —  our 
course  South  West,  and  shortly  afterwards  South 
West  a  quarter  West.  This  day  we  reached  latitude 
12  degrees  26  minutes. 

On  Saturday  the  30th  the  wind  was  East  and  strong, 
our  course  as  above.  At  noon  we  were  in  exactly  11 
degrees. 

On  Sunday  the  1st  day  of  October  the  wind  was  October  1 
very  changeable  but  at  last  South  South  West  and 
strong.  We  ran  West  a  quarter  South.  By  noon  we 
were  in  latitude  10  degrees  30  minutes.  In  the  evening 
the  wind  changed  to  the  South  South  East  —  our 
course  South  West;  at  night  it  dropped. 

On  Monday  the  second  of  October  at  5  o'clock  in 
the  morning  the  wind  was  North  East  —  our  course 
South  West.  At  noon  we  were  in  10  degrees  15  min- 
utes. In  the  evening  the  wind  was  North  North  East, 
then  afterwards  North  and  rather  strong;  our  course 
South  West  a  quarter  West. 

On  Tuesday  the  3rd  the  wind  North  East  —  our 
course  South  West  a  quarter  West.  At  noon  we  were 
in  9  degrees  20  minutes.    During  the  night  the  wind 

[215] 


Journal  d'un  Voyage  a  Guiane 

1623    20  minutes  de  nuict  le  vent  se  calma  par  fois  pluyes  et 
3  Octobre    bourasques  du  Nord  et  Nord  Nord  Ost. 

Le  Mercredy  quatriesme  le  vent  Ost  Nord  Ost  nostre 
cours  comme  deuant  nous  eusmes  a  midy  8  degres  20 
minutes  de  hauteur. 

Le  Jeudy  cincquiesme  le  vent  Nord  Ost  quart  a 
l'Ost  mesme  cours  que  deuant  a  midy  nous  eusmes  7 
degres  20  minutes  de  hauteur  au  soir  appres  vn  calme 
il  se  fit  Zud  West  quart  a  l'West  et  fort  qui  nous  fit 
courre  auecq  nos  basses  voilles  West  Nord  West. 

Le  Vrendredy  sixiesme  continuant  le  mesme  vent 
nous  changeasmes  nostre  cours  Zud  Ost  quart  a  l'Ost 
a  midy  nous  trouuasmes  7  degres  de  hauteur  et  40 
minutes  de  sorte  que  nous  auions  perdu  20  minutes  au 
soir  le  vent  se  fit  Zud  et  peu  appres  Zud  quart  a  l'West 
si  fort  que  nous  ne  peusmes  porter  que  nostre  grand 
voille  courant  West  Zud  West. 

Le  Samedy  septiesme  le  vent  Zud  West  nostre  cours 
West  quart  au  Nord  nous  eusmes  a  midy  7  degres  20 
minutes  sur  le  soir  appres  vne  trauade  il  se  fit  West  qui 
nous  fit  courre  West  quart  au  Zud  de  nuict  il  fut  fort 
variable  auecq  forces  pluyes. 

Le  Dimanche  huictiesme  au  matin  se  leua  vn  petit 
vent  du  Zud  Ost  mais  il  se  calma  peu  apres  a  midy 
nous  eusmes  71  degres  30  minutes  la  nuict  force  pluyes 
et  trauades 

1  Not  clear;  either  6  or  7,  probably  7. 

[*i6] 


Journal  of  a  Voyage  to  Guiana 

dropped;  —  now  and  then  rain  and  squalls  from  the    1623 
North  and  North  North  East.  October  3 

On  Wednesday  the  4th  the  wind  East  North  East  — 
our  course  as  before.  At  noon  we  were  in  latitude  8 
degrees  20  minutes. 

On  Thursday  the  5th  the  wind  North  East  a  quarter 
East  —  the  same  course  as  before.  At  noon  we  were  in 
latitude  7  degrees  20  minutes.  In  the  evening  after  a 
calm  the  wind  became  South  West  a  quarter  West  and 
strong,  which  enabled  us  to  run,  under  main  and  fore- 
sail, West  North  West. 

On  Friday  the  6th,  the  same  wind  continuing,  we 
changed  our  course  South  East  a  quarter  East.  At 
noon  we  found  ourselves  in  7  degrees  40  minutes  so 
that  we  had  lost  20  minutes.  In  the  evening  the  wind 
was  South,  and  shortly  afterwards  South  a  quarter 
West  and  so  strong  that  we  could  carry  only  our  main- 
sail, running  West  South  West. 

On  Saturday  the  7th  the  wind  South  West  —  our 
course  West  a  quarter  North.  At  noon  we  were  in  7 
degrees  20  minutes.  Towards  the  evening,  after  a 
hurricane,  the  wind  shipped  West,  which  made  us  run 
West  a  quarter  South.  During  the  night  it  was  very 
changeable  with  much  rain. 

On  Sunday  the  8th  in  the  morning  a  slight  wind 
arose  from  the  South  East  but  dropped  shortly  after. 
At  noon  we  were  in  7  degrees  30  minutes.  At  night 
much  rain  and  several  hurricanes. 

[  2I7  ] 


Journal  d'un  Voyage  a  Guiane 


1623       Le  Lundy  neufiesme  le  vent  fut  Nord  Ost  et  peu 
gOctobre    apres  Ost  Nord  Ost  enfin  Ost  et  asses  fort  qui  nous 
auanca  fort  a  midy  nous  eusmes  6  degres  30  minutes 
nostre  cours  Zud  West. 

Le  Mardy  dixiesme  le  vent  Zud  Ost  et  Zud  Zud  Ost 
nostre  cours  Zud  West  quart  a  l'West  a  midy  nous 
eusmes  5  degres  58  minutes  la  nuict  le  vent  et  nostre 
cours  fort  variables  force  pluyes  et  trauades. 

Le  Mercredy  vnziesme  le  vent  fut  Zud  nostre  cours 
Zud  West  quart  a  l'West  a  midy  nous  eusmes  5  de- 
gres 15  minutes. 

Le  Jeudy  douziesme  le  vent  Zud  quart  a  l'Ost  nostre 
cours  Zud  West  a  midy  nous  eusmes  4  degres  37  min- 
utes de  hauteur  ce  jour  nous  prismes  une  haye  qui 
auoit  sept  pieds  de  long  elle  auoit  ses  petits  viuans  en 
son  ventre  nous  trouuasmes  a  son  ventre  un  petit 
poisson  de  la  grandeur  dun  petit  haran  attache  a  iceluy 
par  le  dessus  de  la  teste  (qu  '1  auoit  platte  et  faite  en 
forme  de  lune)  layant  mis  dans  vne  tonne  vuide  il  en 
sortit  saydant  du  dessus  de  la  teste. 

Le  Vrendredy  treiziesme  le  vent  Ost  Zud  Ost  nostre 
cours  Zud  West  a  midy  nous  eusmes  4  degres  15  min- 
utes de  hauteur. 


[  218  ] 


Journal  of  a  Voyage  to  Guiana 

On  Monday  the  9th  the  wind  was  North  East  and    1623 
shortly  afterwards  East  North  East;  at  last  East  and    October  9 
fairly  strong,  which  sent  us  well  forward.   At  noon  we 
were  in  6  degrees  30  minutes  —  our  course  South  West. 

On  Tuesday  the  10th,  the  wind  South  East  and 
South  South  East  —  our  course  South  West  a  quarter 
West.  At  noon  we  were  in  5  degrees  58  minutes.  At 
night  the  wind  and  our  course  very  changeable;  much 
rain  and  hurricanes. 

On  Wednesday  the  nth  the  wind  was  South  —  our 
course  South  West  a  quarter  West.  At  noon  we  were  in 
5  degrees  15  minutes. 

On  Thursday  the  12th  the  wind  South  a  quarter 
East  —  our  course  South  West.  At  noon  we  were  in 
latitude  4  degrees  37  minutes.  This  day  we  caught  a 
shark  which  was  7  feet  long;  it  had  its  young  alive  in 
its  belly.  Attached  to  its  belly  we  found  a  fish,  the 
size  of  a  small  herring,  fastened  to  it  by  the  top  of  its 
head,  which  was  flat  and  moon-shaped.1  We  put  it 
into  an  empty  barrel,  but  it  came  out  of  it  climbing  up 
by  the  top  of  its  head. 

On  Friday  the  13th  the  wind  East  South  East  — 
our  course  South  West.  At  noon  we  were  in  latitude  4 
degrees  15  minutes. 

1  Doubtless  the  echeneis  remora,  or  a  West  Indian  species 
of  the  same  genus,  —  the  Remora  of  Pliny  and  the  old  writ- 
ers, once  popularly  known  as  the  "stay-fish,"  and  fabled 
to  have  the  power  of  stopping  the  living  creature  or  ship  to 
which  it  clings. 

[  2I9  ] 


Journal  d'un  Voyage  a  Guiane 

1623       Le   Samedy  quatorziesme   mesme  vent  et  mesme 
x40ctobre   cours  nous  eusmes  a  midy  3  degres  7  minutes  de  hau- 
teur le  vent  se  calma  sur  les  deux  heures  durant  lequel 
nous  vismes  le  courant  Nord. 

Le  Dimanche  quinziesme  le  vent  se  fit  Zud  Ost  quart 
a  l'Ost  nostre  cours  Zud  West  quart  a  l'West  a  midy 
nous  eusmes  2  degres  43  minutes  de  hauteur. 

Le  Lundy  sexiesme  le  vent  Zud  Ost  et  appres  Ost 
Zud  Ost  nostre  cours  West  Zud  West  pour  entrer  en  la 
Riuiere  des  Amasones  a  midy  nous  eusmes  1  degre  35 
minutes  a  cete  heure  nous  eusmes  la  veue  d'un  nauire 
qui  venoit  la  mesme  route  que  nous  l'ayant  ioinct  nous 
trouuasmes  que  c'estoit  Pieter  Janss  de  Flixingues  qui 
estoit  parti  deuant  nous  de  Pleimouth  nous  prismes 
ensemble  nostre  cours  a  l'West  quart  au  Zud  au  soir 
nous  vismes  encore  l'estoile  du  Nord. 

Le  Mardy  dixseptiesme  le  vent  Ost  quart  au  Zud 
nostre  cours  West  quart  au  Zud  a  midy  nous  eusmes  1 
degre  5  minutes  de  hauteur. 

Le  Mercredi  dixhuictiesme  mesme  vent  et  mesmes 
cours  a  midy  nous  eusmes  47  minutes  de  hauteur  a 
cete  heure  nous  mismes  le  cap  au  Zud  West  quart  au 
Zud. 

Le  Jeudy  dixneufiesme  le  vent  Ost  nostre  cours 
comme  deuant  nous  eusmes  a  midy  35  minutes  a  cete 


220 


Journal  of  a  Voyage  to  Guiana 

On  Saturday  the  14th  the  same  wind  and  the  same    1623 
course.   At  noon  we  were  in  latitude  3  degrees  7  min-    0ctober  *4 
utes.    The  wind  dropped  towards   2  o'clock,  during 
which  we  saw  the  northern  current.1 

On  Sunday  the  15th  the  wind  was  South  East  a 
quarter  East  —  our  course  South  West  a  quarter 
West.  At  noon  we  were  in  latitude  2  degrees  43  min- 
utes. 

On  Monday  the  16th  the  wind  South  East  and  af- 
terwards East  South  East  —  our  course  West  South 
West,  in  order  to  enter  the  River  Amazons.2  At  noon 
we  reached  1  degree  35  minutes.  At  this  time  we 
caught  sight  of  a  ship  which  was  coming  the  same  way. 
Having  joined  it,  we  found  it  was  Pieter  Jansz  of 
Flushing,  who  left  Plymouth  before  us.  We  went  on 
together,  our  course  to  the  West  a  quarter  South.  In 
the  evening  we  again  saw  the  North  Star. 

On  Tuesday  the  17th  the  wind  East  a  quarter  South 
—  our  course  West  a  quarter  South.  At  noon  we  were 
but  1  degree  5  minutes  north  of  the  Line. 

On  Wednesday  the  18th  the  same  wind  and  the  same 
course.  At  noon  we  were  but  47  minutes.  We  now 
steered  South  West  a  quarter  South. 

On  Thursday  the  19th  the  wind  East  —  our  course 
as  before.    At  noon  we  were  North  35  minutes.    We 

1  Which  later  joins  the  Gulf  Stream. 

2  Defoe  in  Robinson  Crusoe,  17 19,  uses  a  similar  form, 
speaking  of  "the  river  Amazones" 

[    221    ] 


Journal  d'un  Voyage  a  Guian 

1623  heure  nous  vismes  leau  blanchir  nous  trouuasmes  fond  a 
ig  Octobre  2^  Drasses  qUi  nous  fit  courre  West  a  3  heures  nous  son- 
dasmes  le  fond  a  10  brasses  fond  sablonneux  au  soir 
nous  trouuasmes  8  brasses  qui  nous  fit  courre  W  quart 
au  Nord  a  miniut  nous  mismes  au  Nord  West  pour 
gasgner  le  cap  de  Nord  deux  heures  appres  nous  en- 
chrasmes  sur  7  brasses  fond  sablonneux. 

Le  Vrendredy  vingtiesme  a  6  heures  du  matin  nous 
leuasmes  lanchre  le  vent  Ost  courant  Nord  West  a 
midy  nous  eusmes  1  degre  53  min.  de  hauteur  2  heures 
apres  nous  vismes  le  Cap  de  Nord  a  l'West  Nord  West 
de  nous  terre  basse  et  noyee  nous  auions  employe  50 
jours  despuis  que  nous  estions  partis  de  Pleimouth. 
nous  courusmes  vers  la  coste  qui  entre  dans  l'Amazone 
laquelle  court  Zud  Zud  West  la  rangeant  tousiours  a 
8,  7,  on  5  brasses  deau  nous  vismes  bien  tost  la  premiere 
Isle  vers  laquelle  nous  courusmes  estant  au  droit 
dicelle  nous  enchrasmes  enuiron  son  milieu. 

Le  Samedy  vingt  et  vniesme  nous  leuasmes  lanchre 
rangeant  la  coste  de  l'isle  de  si  pres  qu'on  eust  peu 
facillement  ietter  sur  icelle  vne  pierre  ce  que  nous 
fismes  passant  le  long  des  autres  mais  non  pas  de  si 
pres  iusques  a  ce  questant  venu  au  droict  de  la  Riuiere 
de  nous  trauersames  vers  lisle  de  Sapno  courant 

vers  le  vilage  ce  village  a  trois  longues  maisons  basties 
sur  de  hauts  peteaux  au  bord  de  la  riuiere.  Les  Maraons 
Indiens  nous  dirent  que  les  Espagnols  estoient  en  la 
riuiere  et  qu'ils  auoient  pris  vn  nauire  de  Hollande 
vers  Sapanopoke  ce  qui  nous  fit  poursuiure  appres 
auoir    traite    quelque    rafraichissemens    mais    Pieter 

222 


-,-voi-,'-  ii.iii  ,-.,.._.    ; 


BLAEUW  S   MAP 
In  the  Lenox  Collection 


«3^^?^ 


JUIANA,    1635 
York  Public  Library 


Journal  of  a  Voyage  to  Guiana 


now  noticed  the  water  shew  pale  and  found  the  bottom  1623 
at  23  fathoms,  which  made  us  run  West.  At  3  o'clock  0ctober  '9 
we  sounded  and  found  10  fathoms,  sandy  bottom;  in 
the  evening  we  found  8  fathoms,  which  made  us  run 
West  a  quarter  North;  at  midnight  we  put  to  the 
North  West  to  reach  the  North  Cape; x  and  two  hours 
afterwards  we  anchored  in  7  fathoms,  sandy  bottom. 

On  Friday  the  20th  at  6  o'clock  in  the  morning  we 
weighed  anchor  —  the  wind  East — running  North 
West.  At  noon  we  were  in  latitude  1  degree  53  min- 
utes North.  Two  hours  afterwards  we  saw  the  North 
Cape  to  the  West  North  West  of  us,  land  low  and 
overflowed.  It  was  50  days  since  we  had  left  Plymouth. 
We  made  for  the  side  which  projects  into  the  Amazon, 
and  trends  South  South  West,  coasting  all  the  time  in 
8,  7,  or  5  fathoms  of  water.  Very  soon  we  saw  the  first 
island,  towards  which  we  ran  and  keeping  to  the  right 
of  it  anchored  about  the  middle. 

On  Saturday  the  21st  we  weighed  anchor,  coasting 
along  the  island,  so  near  that  one  could  easily  throw  a 
stone  upon  it,  which  we  did,  also  passing  by  the  others 
but  not  so  near,  until  having  come  to  the  right  of  the 
River  of  we  crossed  towards  the   Island  of 

Sapno,  making  for  the  village.  This  village  has  three 
long  houses  built  on  high  piles  on  the  edge  of  the  river. 
The  Maraons  Indians  told  us  that  the  Spaniards  were 
up  the  river  and  that  they  had  taken  a  Dutch  ship  near 
Sapanopoke,  which  set  us  pursuing  them,  after  hav- 
ing obtained  some  fresh  provisions ;  but  Pieter  Jansz 

1  So  on  the  old  maps;  now  always  Capo  do  Norte.  It  is 
in  Brazil  a  short  distance  north  of  the  mouth  of  the  Amazon. 

[  223  ] 


Journal  d'un  Voyage  a.  Guiane 

1623    Janss  seschoua  sur  vn  sable  qui  est  a  l'Ost  du  village 
21  Octobre    enu}ron  deux  traits  de  mousquet  ce  qui  nous  contraignit 
danchrer. 

Le  Dimanche  Pieter  Janss  enuoya  sa  chelouppe  vers 
Sapanopoke  a  la  maree  nous  leuasmes  l'anchre  mais 
Pieter  Janss  seschoua  derechef. 

Le  Lundy  nous  leuasmes  derechef  l'anchre  voyant 
que  Pieter  Janss  nous  faisoit  consommer  le  temps  ex- 
pres  pour  donner  loisir  a  sa  cheloupe  de  traiter  auecq 
les  Anglois  et  Hirlandois  nous  courusmes  Zud  Ost  vers 
une  petite  Isle  entre  Sapno  et  Quariane  la  rangeant 
de  Sapno  fort  peu  a  cause  du  bancq  de  sable  qui  vient 
de  la  pointe  de  Wetalj  de  la  nous  courusmes  Zud  Zud 
West  vers  l'isle  d'Arouen  mais  Pieter  Janss  seschoua 
sur  vn  sable  qui  vient  de  la  pointe  du  Nord  de  lisle 
d'Arouen  nous  passasme  plus  bas  dans  vn  grand  cou- 
rant  a  2  brasses  d'eau  nous  fusmes  nous  enchrer  enuiron 
le  milieu  de  ladite  isle  deuant  vn  village. 

Le  Mardy  vingt  quatriesme  Pieter  Janss  nous  vint 
trouuer  a  la  maree  nous  leuasmes  lanchre  rangeant  la 
coste  de  lisle  mais  comme  de  lextremite  dicelle  nous 
voullions  passer  vers  la  terre  ferme  Pieter  Janss 
s'eschoua  derechef  nous  retournasmes  derechef  ranger 
les  Isles  nous  enchrant  a  l'W  quart  au  Zud  de  Cocqs 
Eyland. 

Le  Mercredy  vingtcincquiesme  nous  fusmes  enchres 
a  lOst  quart  au  Nord  de  Rooden  hoec 


[  224  ] 


Journal  of  a  Voyage  to  Guiana 


grounded  himself  on  a  sand-bank  to  the  East  of  the    1623 
village  about  two  musket  shots  off,  which  forced  us  to    0ctober  2I 
anchor. 

On  Sunday  Pieter  Jansz  sent  his  pinnace  towards 
Sapanopoke.  At  high  tide  we  weighed  anchor  but 
Pieter  Jansz  ran  aground  again. 

On  Monday  we  weighed  anchor  again,  seeing  that 
Pieter  Jansz  was  making  us  waste  time  on  purpose  to 
give  his  pinnace  an  opportunity  to  trade  with  the 
English  and  Irish.  We  ran  South  East  towards  a  little 
island  between  Sapno  and  Quariane,  not  coasting  near 
Sapno  by  reason  of  the  sand-bank  which  comes  from 
the  point  of  Wetalj.1  From  there  we  ran  South  South 
West  towards  the  Island  of  Arouen,  but  Pieter  Jansz 
ran  his  boat  on  a  sand-bank  which  comes  from  the 
north  point  of  the  Island  of  Arouen.  We  passed  lower 
down  in  a  strong  current  of  2  fathoms  of  water,  and 
came  to  anchor  half-way  down  the  said  island  before  a 
village. 

On  Tuesday  the  24th  Pieter  Jansz  came  to  find  us. 
At  high  tide  we  weighed  anchor,  coasting  along  the 
shore  of  the  island,  but  when  we  wished  to  pass  from 
the  extremity  of  that  island  to  the  mainland  Pieter 
Jansz  ran  aground  again,  and  we  returned  to  coast 
along  the  islands,  anchoring  West  a  quarter  South  of 
Cocqs  Island. 

On  Wednesday  the  25th  we  were  anchored  to  the 
East  a  quarter  North  of  Roohoeck. 

1  Waetali,  on  Blaeuw's  map  of  "Gviana  siue  Amazonvm 
regio,"  1635. 

[    225    ] 


Journal  d'un  Voyage  a  Guiane 

1623  Le  Jeudy  vingtsixiesme  nous  courusmes  vers  le  diet 
26  Octobre  R0oden  hoec  courant  West  quart  au  Zud  passant  entre 
deux  sables  mais  en  approchant  la  terre  ferme  nous 
vismes  des  rochers  a  vn  tralct  de  mousquet  dudict 
roden  houc  qui  nous  firent  retint  plus  au  large  nous 
passasmes  entre  la  terre  ferme  de  l'isle  de  Tapelraka 
par  vn  canal  large  de  300  pas  ayant  4  et  5  brasses  de 
profond  lisle  de  Tapelraka  et  la  terre  ferme  sont 
esleues  par  dessus  le  niueau  de  leau  de  plus  de  15  pieds 
a  lissue  du  canal  nous  vismes  vne  haute  isle  a  l'em- 
boucheure  d'une  belle  et  profonde  riuiere  on  nous 
fusmes  enchres  estimant  que  ce  fust  Sapanapoko. 

Le  Vrendredy  nous  sortismes  de  ladicte  riuiere  cour- 
ant vers  la  pointe  du  Nord  de  Sapanapoko  mais  nous 
nous  eschouasmes  sur  vn  sable  qui  est  proche  de  deux 
petites  Islettes  qui  sont  entre  lisle  de  Sapanapoko  et 
Tapelraka  ou  nous  desmourasmes  a  sec  a  la  marre  nous 
nous  mismes  a  peine  a  flot  et  courusme  vers  le  village 
de  Sapanapoko  rangeant  tousiours  lisle  sur  bon  fond 
la  nous  enchrasmes  nous  trouuasmes  Pieter  Janss  qui 
nous  auions  laisse  eschoue  qui  auoit  desia  assemble  les 
Anglois  et  Hirlandois  ils  nous  assurerent  que  Pieter 
Arianss  de  Flixegue  auoit  este  attaque  dun  grand  nauire 
espagnol  qui  auoit  8  pieces  de  fonte  et  de  120  preaux 
et  que  appres  auoir  combatu  vn  iour  et  vne  nuict  nay- 
ant  que  32  hommes  et  deux  petits  pieces  de  canon  et 
voyant  ne  se  pouuoir  sauuer  pour  estre  eschoue  sur 


[    226   ] 


journal  of  a  Voyage  to  Guiana 

On  Thursday  the  26th  we  ran  towards  the  said  1623 
Roohoeck,  running  West  a  quarter  South,  passing  October  26 
between  two  sand-banks;  but  on  approaching  the  land 
we  saw  some  rocks  at  the  distance  of  a  musket  shot 
from  the  said  Roohoeck,  which  kept  us  more  in  the 
offing.  We  passed  between  the  mainland  [and]  the 
Island  of  Tapelraka  by  a  channel  300  paces  wide  and 
4  and  5  fathoms  deep.  The  Island  of  Tapelraka  and  the 
mainland  are  raised  above  the  level  of  the  water  more 
than  15  feet.  At  the  outlet  of  the  channel  we  saw  a 
high  island  at  the  mouth  of  a  beautiful  and  deep  river, 
where  we  anchored,  thinking  that  this  was  Sapana- 
poko. 

On  Friday  we  came  out  of  the  said  river,  running 
towards  the  North  point  of  Sapanapoko,  but  we 
grounded  on  a  sand-bank  near  two  little  islands  which 
are  between  the  Islands  of  Sapanapoko  and  Tapelraka, 
where  we  lay  high  and  dry.  At  high  tide  we  barely 
managed  to  float  off,  and  ran  towards  the  village  of 
Sapanapoko,  coasting  all  the  time  along  the  island  on 
a  good  bottom.  There  we  anchored.  We  found  that 
Pieter  Jansz,  whom  we  had  left  aground,  had  already 
assembled  the  English  and  Irish.  They  assured  us  that 
Pieter  Ariansz  of  Flushing  had  been  attacked  by  a 
large  Spanish  ship  which  had  8  bronze  cannon  and  120 
matchlocks l  and  that,  after  fighting  for  a  day  and  a 
night,  having  only  32  men  and  two  small  pieces  of  can- 
non and  seeing  he  could  not  save  himself  from  being 

1  Though  considered  as  hand  weapons  and  carried  as 
such,  they  were  too  heavy  to  fire  without  a  rest,  and  the 
favorite  place  for  such  disposition  was  the  battlements  of 
walls  or  the  bulwarks  of  a  ship. 

[  227  ] 


Journal  d'un  Voyage  a  Guiane 

1623    vn  sable  a  lemboucheure  d'Okiari  il  auoit  mis  le  feu 
27  Octobre    jans  son  nauire. 

Le  Samedy  nous  montasmes  nostre  cheloupe. 

Le  Lundy  [Dimanche]  vingt  neufiesme  nous  leuasme 
Panchre  pour  aller  a  Okiari  Riuiere  ou  demouroient  les 
Anglois  nous  passasmes  la  Ligne  equinoxiale  qui  trau- 
erse  vne  petite  isle  qui  est  entre  le  vilage  de  Sapana- 
poko  et  Caillepoko. 

1  Novembre  Le  Mardy  [Mercredi]  premier  iour  de  Nouembre 
nous  arriuasmes  pres  de  Pieter  Janss  anchre  en  la 
Riuiere  de  Tauregne  habitation  des  Hirlandois. 

'  Le  Jeudi  nous  fusmes  enchres  deuant  la  Riuiere 
d'Okiari  40  minutes  au  Zud  de  la  ligne  entre  icelle  et 
vne  Isle  qui  est  au  deuant  le  mesme  iour  on  nous  mena 
voir  Tilletille  habitations  des  Anglois  six  lieues  dedans 
la  dite  riuiere  et  a  vne  lieue  en  terre  nous  le  trouuasmes 
asses  agreables  pour  estre  vn  lieu  de  campagne  parsemee 
de  petis  bocages  et  de  quelques  estangs  mais  le  lieu  est 
en  la  plus  part  arride. 

Le  Salmedy  quatriesme  nous  arriuasmes  au  nauire 

Le  Dimanche  cincquiesme  on  nous  mena  a  Ouar- 
meonaka  entre  habitations  des  Angloys  cinq  lieues  plus 
haut  que  lautre  et  sur  la  mesme  riuiere  cestoit  aussi  vne 
agreable  demeure  aux  deux  places  les  Anglois  auoient 
force  champs  pour  planter  le  Toubac. 


[    228   ] 


Journal  of  a  Voyage  to  Guiana 


run  aground  on  a  sand-bank  at  the  mouth  of  the  Oki-    1623 
ari,1  he  had  set  fire  to  his  ship.  0ctober  2? 

On  Saturday  we  got  our  pinnace  ready. 

On  Monday  [Sunday]  the  29th  we  weighed  anchor  to 
go  to  Okiari  River,  where  the  English  were  living.  We 
passed  the  equinoctial  line,  which  crosses  a  little  island 
between  the  village  of  Sapanapoko  and  Caillepoko. 

On  Tuesday  [Wednesday]  the  istof  November  we    November  1 
arrived   near   Pieter   Jansz,  anchored    in   Tauregne  2 
River,  where  the  Irish  live. 

On  Thursday  we  were  anchored  before  Okiari  River 
40  minutes  to  the  South  of  the  line,  between  [the 
river]  and  an  island  opposite.  The  same  day  we  were 
taken  to  see  Tilletille,3  an  English  settlement  six 
leagues  within  the  said  river  and  one  league  inland. 
We  found  it  an  agreeable  place,  being  an  open  country 
studded  with  little  groves  and  some  small  lakes,  but 
the  place  is  for  the  most  part  arid. 

On  Saturday  the  4th  we  arrived  at  our  ship. 

On  Sunday  the  5th  we  were  taken  to  Ouarmeonaka 
among  the  English  settlements,  five  leagues  higher 
than  the  other  and  on  the  same  river.  This  also  was  an 
agreeable  site.  In  both  places  the  English  had  many 
fields  planted  with  tobacco. 

1  Ocquaiari  (Blaeuw,  1635). 

2  Taurege  (Blaeuw,  1635). 

3  Tilletelle  (Blaeuw,  1635). 

[  229  ] 


Journal  d'un  Voyage  a  Guiane 

*fe3        Le  Mardy  septiesme  estants  de  retour  au  nauire  le 

7  Novembre     -\  *-    •    .  ?  •.    j  •  r  i    •      • 

Maistre  s  enquit  de  nous  si  ces  heux  nous  plaisoient  a 
quoy  nous  repondismes  que  non  pour  y  planter  des 
families  a  cause  que  lEspagnol  estant  desia  place  a 
Para  duquel  lieu  il  pouuoit  aller  et  venir  a  layde  du 
flux  et  reflux  ou  bon  luy  sembloit  en  la  riuiere  des 
Amazones  ne  manqueroit  scachant  qu'il  y  eut  des  fa- 
milies de  les  visiter  a  leur  deces  de  sorte  qu  'on  estimoit 
qu'il  valloit  mieux  aller  au  long  la  coste  chercher  quel- 
que  riuiere  ou  lennemj  s'il  y  venoit  de  Para  ou  Maragnon 
ne  peut  retourner  sans  aller  reprandre  le  vent  aux 
Essores  et  n'y  peut  amener  d'Indiens. 

Le  Jeudy  neufiesme  de  Decembre  [Novembre]  nous 
partismes  d'Okiary  pour  retourner  a  Sapanapoko. 

Le  Samedy  vnziesme  nous  arriuasmes  a  Sapanapoko. 

Le  Vrendredy  dixseptiesme  voyant  le  Maistre  qu'il 
ne  nous  pouuoit  laisser  ny  induire  demourer  auecq  les 
Anglois  il  deliura  aux  Anglois  150  lb  de  Coucaul  et  150 
haches  vn  baril  de  poudre  de  100  lb  appres  auoir  faict 
pact  auecq  eux  au  nom  de  la  compagnee  il  leur  fit  vn 
festin  et  comme  il  commanda  de  tirer  le  canon  et  pres- 
sant  le  cannonier  pour  cela  le  canon  coupa  le  Mast  de 
nostre  cheloupe  et  blessa  trois  individus  ce  qui  ammena 


[  23°  ] 


Journal  of  a  Voyage  to  Guiana 

On  Tuesday  the  7th,  having  returned  to  the  ship,  1623 ' 
the  Master  asked  us  if  these  places  pleased  us,  to  which  November  7 
we  replied  No!  —  not  for  establishing  families  there, 
because  the  Spaniard,  being  already  settled  at  Para, 
from  which  place  he  could  come  and  go  as  he  liked  with 
the  help  of  the  tides  in  the  River  Amazons,  if  he  knew 
there  were  families  there,  would  not  fail  to  visit  them 
to  their  death;  x  so  that  it  was  thought  better  to  go 
along  the  coast  to  look  for  some  river  to  which  the 
enemy,  if  he  came  there  from  Para  or  Maragnon,  could 
not  return  without  going  to  the  Azores  to  pick  up  the 
wind,  and  could  not  bring  any  Indians. 

On  Thursday  the  9th  of  December  [November]  we 
left  Okiari  to  return  to  Sapanapoko. 

On  Saturday  the  nth  we  arrived  at  Sapanapoko. 

On  Friday  the  17th  the  Master,  seeing  that  he 
could  neither  leave  us  nor  induce  us  to  stay  with  the 
English,  delivered  to  the  English  150  lbs  of  coucaul,2 
150  axes,  and  a  barrel  of  powder  containing  100  lbs. 
After  having  made  a  compact  with  them  in  the  name 
of  the  Company  he  gave  them  a  feast,  and  as  he  or- 
dered that  the  cannon  be  fired  and  hurried  the  gunner 
to  do  it,  the  cannon  ball  cut  the  mast  of  our  pinnace 
and  wounded  three  people.     This   led  to  a  quarrel 

1  That  is,  to  come  and  kill  them.  According  to  the  his- 
torian Hartsinck,  this  the  Spaniards  did  only  two  years 
later,  when  they  killed  nearly  all  the  Dutch  colonists  on  the 
Amazon. 

2  Probably  coucaut  —  cocoa,  still  one  of  the  staple  prod- 
ucts of  Guiana. 

[  23J   ] 


Journal  d'un  Voyage  a.  Guiane 

*  1623  vne  querelle  du  Maistre  contre  vn  Matellot  qui  luy  ap- 
17  Novembre  p0rta  ces  nouvelles  a  terre  ou  ils  beuuoient  qui  s'en 
aggrit  iusque  la  que  le  diet  maistre  fut  blesse  de  deux 
coups  de  couteau  et  pour  le  dernier  comme  foible  de 
vin  et  de  sang  on  lapportoit  au  nauire  il  tomba  en  leau 
ou  il  falut  a  noyer. 

Le  Salmedy  dix  huictiesme  on  raconstra  le  mast  de 
nostre  cheloupe. 

Le  Dimanche  dixneufiesme  les  Anglois  partirent  nos- 
tre cheloupe  les  connoya  et  porta  leur  hardes. 

Le  Dimanche  vingt  sixiesme  nous  fismes  voille  de 
Sapanopoko  et  vinsmes  enchrer  a  Tapelraka. 

Le  Lundy  vingt  septiesme  nous  vinsmes  enchrer 
deuant  roden  houc  et  nous  deuala  a  terre  auecq  force 
prieres  nous  trouuasmes  vn  fort  beau  pays  de  Cam- 
pagne  parseme  de  prayrie  ou  il  y  auoit  de  fort  bonne 
terre  nous  trouuasmes  force  fruits  appelles  Gujaves  qui 
sont  de  la  grosseur  d'une  petite  orange  dun  fort  bon 
goust  nous  promenant  par  le  pays  nous  trouuasmes  vn 
cymetiere  remply  de  pots  de  terre  de  diuerses  formes 
et  figures  et  dans  iceux  des  ossemens  de  morts. 

Le  Mardy  vingt  huitiesme  nous  trauersasmes  de  la 
terre  ferme  vers  les  Isles  ou  nous  nous  eschouasmes 
entre  cocqs  Eyland  et  les  autres  Isles. 

Le  Mercredy  vingt  neufiesme  nous  enchrasmes 
proche  l'isle  d'Arouen. 

Le  Jeudy  dernier  de  nouembre  nous  enchrasmes 
deuant  le  village  d'Arouen. 

[  232  ] 


journal  of  a  Voyage  to  Guiana 

between  the  Master  and  a  sailor  who  brought  him  the    1623 
news  on  shore  where  they  were  drinking,  which  grew    NovembeT  l7 
so  violent  that  the  said  Master  was  twice  wounded 
with  a  knife.    Finally,  when  they  were  getting  him, 
incapacitated  from  wine  and  loss -of  blood,  to  the  ship, 
he  fell  into  the  water  and  was  all  but  drowned. 

On  Saturday  the  18th  the  mast  of  the  pinnace  was 
mended. 

On  Sunday  the  19th  the  English  left,  our  pinnace 
conveying  them  and  their  belongings. 

On  Sunday  the  26th  we  set  sail  from  Sapanapoko 
and  came  to  anchor  at  Tapelraka. 

On  Monday  the  27th  we  came  to  anchor  before 
Roohoeck  and  landed  with  many  prayers.  We  found  a 
very  beautiful  country  covered  with  meadows,  where 
there  was  very  good  land.  We  found  much  fruit  called 
guavas,  which  are  of  the  size  of  a  small  orange  with  a 
very  good  flavor.  Walking  about  the  country  we  found 
a  cemetery  full  of  earthen  pots  of  different  shapes  and 
designs  and  in  them  bones  of  the  dead. 

On  Tuesday  the  28th  we  crossed  from  the  mainland 
towards  the  islands,  where  we  ran  aground  between 
Cocqs  Island  and  the  other  islands. 

On  Wednesday  the  29th  we  anchored  near  Arouen 
Island. 

On  Thursday  the  last  day  of  November  we  anchored 
opposite  the  village  of  Arouen. 

[    233    ] 


Journal  d'un  Voyage  a.  Guiane 

1623        Le  Vrendredy  Premier  de  Decembre    nous    vismes 
1  Decembre    deuant  Sapno  et  dela  a  nutte  muscade  Eyland. 

Le  Salmedy  nous  vismes  enchrer  proche  de  la  der- 
niere  Isle 

Le  Dimanche  troiziesme  nous  enchrasmes  enuiron 
son  milieu. 

Le  Lundy  nous  enchrasmes  a  trois  lieues  du  cap  du 
nord. 

Le  Mardy  cincquiesme  nous  fusmes  enchrer  trois 
lieues  en  mer  au  dessus  le  cap. 

Le  Sixiesme  pource  qua  trois  lieues  de  la  coste  il  n'y 
auoit  qu'une  brasse  et  demie  deau  nous  courusmes  au 
large  nous  voyons  la  coste  courir  du  Cap  Ost  et  West 
quelque  peu  Nord. 

Le  Jeudy  septiesme  nous  eusmes  2  degres  27  minutes 
nous  enchrasmes  au  droit  la  riuiere  Mackarj  ou  nous 
touchasmes  a  basse  mer  le  courant  estoit  si  violent  que 
voulant  a  la  maree  retirer  nos  enchres  nostre  Cabestan 
fut  rompu  des  la  il  y  a  2  brasses  deau  a  basse  mer  a  la 
veue  de  la  terre  la  coste  court  des  8  a  9  lieues  du  Cap 
Nord  Nord  West  au  soir  nous  vismes  vne  montagne 
ronde. 

Le  Vrendredy  huictiesme  nous  eusmes  3  degres  nous 
vismes  la  riuiere  de  Clapepourj  ou  trois  ans  auparauant 


[  234  ] 


Journal  of  a  Voyage  to  Guiana 

On  Friday  1st  December  we  came  opposite  Sapno    1623 
and  thence  to  Nutte  Muscade l  Island.  December  1 

On  Saturday  we  came  to  anchor  near  the  last-named 
island. 

On  Sunday  the  3rd  we  anchored  about  the  middle 
of  it. 

On  Monday  we  anchored  three  leagues  from  North 
Cape. 

On  Tuesday  the  5th  we  anchored  three  leagues  out 
at  sea  above  the  cape. 

On  the  6th,  because  three  leagues  from  the  coast 
there  was  only  one  fathom  and  a  half  of  water,  we  ran 
into  the  offing  and  saw  the  coast  extending  from  the 
Cape  East  and  West  somewhat  to  the  North. 

On  Thursday  the  7th  we  were  2  degrees  27  minutes 
[North  of  the  Line].  We  anchored  to  the  right  of  the 
River  Mackarj  ,2  where  we  touched  at  low  water.  The 
current  was  so  strong  that  when  at  high  tide  we  wished 
to  weigh  anchor,  the  capstan  was  broken.  From  that 
on  there  are  two  fathoms  of  water  at  low  tide.  Look- 
ing at  the  land  [we  saw  that]  the  coast  8  or  9  leagues 
from  the  Cape  runs  North  North  West.  In  the  evening 
we  saw  a  round-topped  mountain. 

On  Friday  the  8th  we  were  3  degrees  [North].  We 
saw  the  Clapepourj  River  3  where  three  years  previous 

1  Dutch  name  for  Nutmeg. 

2  River  Arykary  (Blaeuw,  1635). 

3  River  Quanaoueny? 

[  235  ] 


Journal  d'un  Voyage  a  Guiane 

1623    sestoit  perdu  vn  nauire  de  Flexingues  que  le  Masquaret 
8  Decembre    avant  trouue  mal  pare  sur  ses  anchres  auoit  renuerse. 

Le  Salmedy  neufiesme  nous  vismes  la  coste  courir 
quelque  quatre  lieues  Nord  quart  a  lWest. 

Le  Dimanche  dixiesme  nous  vismes  la  coste  courir 
N  W  enuiron  trois  lieues  puis  West  vne  lieue,  au  bout 
de  laquelle  estoit  vne  riuiere  ou  nous  enchrasmes  nous 
envoyames  nostre  cheloupe  pour  scauoir  quelle  elle 
estoit  pource  que  quelques  vns  estimoient  que  ce  fust 
Wyapoko. 

Le  Jeudy  quatorziesme  nostre  Cheloupe  raporta  que 
cestoit  Cassipoure  nous  leuasmes  lanchre  des  la  la  coste 
court  Nord  Nord  West  iusques  a  Wyapoko. 

Le  Vandredy  quinziesme  nous  enchrasmes  deuant  le 
cap  dorange. 

Le  Salmedy  sexiesme  deuant  lemboucheure  de 
Wyapoko. 

Le  Dimanche  dixseptiesme  nous  enchrames  deuant 
Carippo  sur  trois  brasses. 

Le  Lundy  dixseptiesme  [dixhuitieme]  nous  fusmes 
dans  la  riuiere  de  Wanari  auecq  nostre  cheloupe  voir 
Henry  Fonston  anglois  qui  habitoit  la  auecq  trois 
negres. 

Le  Mardy  nous  allasmes  de  la  a  Commaribo  ou  nous 
demourasmes  le  lendemain. 

[  236  ] 


Journal  of  a  Voyage  to  Guiana 


a   ship   from  Flushing   was  lost,  which  having  been    1623 
insecurely  anchored  was  turned  over  by  a  violent  eddy    December  8 
of  the  tide. 

On  Saturday  the  9th  we  saw  the  coast  extending 
some  4  leagues  North  a  quarter  West. 

On  Sunday  the  10th  we  saw  the  coast  extending 
N.W.  about  3  leagues,  then  West  1  league,  at  the  end 
of  which  was  a  river,  where  we  anchored.  We  sent  our 
pinnace  to  know  which  one  it  was,  because  some  of  us       \ 
thought  it  was  the  Wyapoko.1 

On  Thursday  the  14th  our  pinnace  reported  that  it 
was  the  Cassipoure.  We  weighed  anchor.  From  there 
the  coast  runs  North  North  West  as  far  as  Wyapoko. 

On  Friday  the  15th  we  anchored  opposite  Cape 
Orange. 

On  Saturday  the  16th  opposite  the  mouth  of  the 
Wyapoko. 

On  Sunday  the  17th  we  anchored  opposite  Carippo 
in  three  fathoms. 

On  Monday  the  17th  [18th]  we  were  in  the  River 
Wanari  with  our  pinnace  to  see  Henry  Fonston  [John- 
ston?], an  Englishman,  who  lived  therewith  3  negroes. 

On  Tuesday  we  went  from  there  to  Commaribo, 
where  we  stayed  the  next  day. 

1  River  Wiapoca  (Blaeuw,  1635). 
[    237   ] 


Journal  d'un  Voyage  a  Guiane 


1623        Le  Jeudy  vingt  uniesme  nous  reuinsmes  au  nauire. 

21  Decembre 

Le  Vrendredy  vingt  deuxiesme  on  nous  mena  voir  le 
haut  de  la  Riuiere  de  Wyapoko  auecq  la  Cheloupe. 

Le  Salmedy  vingt  troiziesme  nous  entrasmes  dans  la 
riuiere  de  Scapome  pour  visiter  l'habitation  des  Indiens 
qui  nous  apporterent  trois  pourceaux  vn  connin1  et 
vne  perdrix  tous  trouuerent  le  lieu  fort  bon  et  commode 
pour  planter  vne  Collonie  cest  vne  place  plate  et  vnie 
releuee  par  dessus  les  marais  qui  l'enuironnent  de  dix- 
huit  a  vingt  pieds  eslongue  de  la  riuiere  de  Wyapoko 
dune  demie  lieue  le  tertre  ou  sont  les  maisons  est  dun 
coste  ceint  de  la  riuiere  d'Icaprimo  scauoir  vers  le  Zud 
de  POst  et  West  elle  est  enuironnee  dune  terre  innondee 
l'hiuer  et  deriere  le  nord  separee  de  lautre  terre  dune 
vallee  asses  profonde  et  d'un  ruisseau  elle  a  de  long 
deux  cents  pas  et  de  large  cent  nonante  cest  vne  place 
fort  commode  et  bonne  a  garde  pource  qu'on  peut 
empescher  aysement  la  riuiere  en  coupant  des  arbres 
au  trauers,  elle  est  cincq  lieues  de  Carippo. 

Le  Dimanche  vingt  quatriesme  nous  fusmes  au 
village  de  Weypoko  six  lieues  de  Carippo  nous  trouu- 
asmes  ce  village  sur  vne  montagne  platte  et  asses  haute 
nous  y  trouuasmes  aussi  de  fort  bonne  terre. 

Le  Mardy  vingt  sixiesme  nous  arriuasmes  au  Nauire. 

Le  Mercredy  vingt  septiesme  nostre  Maistre  fit 
appeller  les  peres  de  famille  vn  a  vn  leur  demandant 
s'ils  auoient  trouve  vn  lieu  a  leur  gre  ils  respondirent 
que  Ouy  et  qu'ils  desireroient  y  venir  demourer  auecq 

1  Old  French  name  for  "lapin,"  rabbit. 

[  238  ] 


Journal  of  a  Voyage  to  Guiana 


On  Thursday  the  21st  we  rejoined  the  ship.  1623 

December  21 

On  Friday  the  22nd  we  were  taken  in  the  pinnace  to 
see  the  upper  reaches  of  the  River  Wyapoko. 

On  Saturday  the  23rd  we  entered  the  River  Scapome 
to  visit  the  settlement  of  the  Indians,  who  brought  us 
3  pigs,  a  rabbit,  and  a  partridge.  All  pronounced  the 
place  good  and  convenient  for  forming  a  Colony;  it  is 
flat  and  uniform,  raised  18  to  20  feet  above  the  marshes 
which  surround  it,  and  at  a  distance  of  half  a  league 
from  the  River  Wyapoko.  The  hillock,  on  which  are 
the  houses,  is  bounded  on  one  side  by  the  Icaprimo 
River,  that  is  to  say  towards  the  South;  on  the  East 
and  West  it  is  surrounded  by  land  which  is  flooded  in 
winter,  and  in  the  rear,  to  the  North,  it  is  separated 
from  the  other  land  by  a  rather  deep  valley  and  by  a 
stream;  it  is  200  paces  long  and  190  broad.  It  is  a  very 
good  and  convenient  place  to  defend  because  the  river 
can  easily  be  obstructed  by  cutting  trees  and  putting 
them  across.   It  is  five  leagues  from  Carippo. 

On  Sunday  the  24th  we  were  at  Weypoko  village, 
six  leagues  from  Carippo.  We  found  this  village  on  a 
flat  and  fairly  high  hill.  We  found  there,  also,  very 
good  land. 

On  Tuesday  the  26th  we  arrived  at  the  ship. 

On  Wednesday  the  27th  our  Master  called  the  heads 
of  families  one  by  one  and  asked  them  if  they  had  found 
a  place  to  their  liking.  They  replied  Yes !  and  that  they 
wished  to  come  and  live  there  with  their  families,  upon 

[  239  ] 


Journal  cTun  Voyage  a  Guiane 

1623  leurs  families  sur  cela  le  Maistre  leur  diet  qu'il  auoit 
27  Decembre    c}iarge  je  Messieurs  les  Directeurs  de  les  laisser  la  et 

de  n'en  renmener  que  deux  cette  parole  estonna  plusi- 
eurs  dentreux  qui  commencoient  a  sexcuser  diuerse- 
ment  nostre  Capitaine  voyant  cela  desclara  au  Maistre 
qu'il  estoit  contant  de  demeurer  si  on  luy  vouloit  bail- 
ler1  en  la  place  des  peresde  families  qui  sen  vouloient 
retourner  autant  de  Matelots  ce  qui  luy  fut  accorde  de 
sorte  qu'  auecq  nostre  diet  capitaine  demoura  Louys 
le  Maire  et  moy  dentre  les  families  nostre  Canonnier 
quatre  matelots  et  le  garcon  du  Chirurgien  tous  au 
nombre  de  neuf. 

Le  Jeudy  vingthuictiesme  on  prepara  tout  ce  qu'on 
nous  vouloit  donner  qui  estoit  de  Coucal 

hachet  couteaux  vn   Pierrier   auecq 

nostre  Cheloupe. 

Le  Vrendredy  vingt  neufiesme  nous  partismes  pour 
aller  a  Commaribo. 

Le  Samedy  trentiesme  nous  arriuasmes  au  diet  Com- 
maribo. 

1624  Le  premier  iour  de  Ian  1624  nostre  nauire  partit  pour 
1  Janmer   retourner  en  Hollande. 

Le  sixiesme  iour  de  januier  arriua  Pieter  Janss  en- 
chrer  a  Carippo  qui  nous  dit  qu'il  auoit  brusle  le  fort 

1  Old  French  verb  for  "  to  give." 


240    ] 


Journal  of  a  Voyage  to  Guiana 


which  the  Master  told  them  that  he  had  orders  from    1623 

the  Directors  to  leave  them  there  and  only  to  take    December  27 

back  two  of  them.    This  astonished  several  of  them, 

who  began  in  divers  ways  to  excuse  themselves.    Our 

Captain,  seeing  this,  declared  to  the  Master  that  he 

was  ready  to  remain  if  they  would  give  him  in  place 

of  the  heads  of  families  who  wished  to  return,  the  same 

number  of  sailors.  This  was  allowed  him,  so  that  there 

remained  with  our  said  Captain,  Louis  le  Maire  and  I 

(from  among  the  families),  our  Gunner,  four  sailors, 

and  the  Surgeon's  Mate  —  nine  persons  in  all. 

On  Thursday  the  28th  they  prepared  everything 
which  they  were  willing  to  give  us,  which  was  [?lbs.]  of 
Coucal  [cocoa?]  axes,  knives,  a  small 

cannon,1  with  our  pinnace. 

On  Friday  the  29th  we  left  to  go  to  Commaribo. 

On  Saturday  the  30th  we  arrived  at  the  said  Com- 
maribo. 


The  first  day  of  the  year  1624  our  ship  left  to  return    ^24 
to  Holland.  }anuary  ' 

On  the  6th  of  January  Pieter  Jansz  arrived  and  an- 
chored at  Carippo,  who  told  us  he  had  burnt  the  fort 


1  The  Dict.de  V 'Acad.  Franc,  under  "pierrier"  says :  "Sorte 
de  petit  canon  dont  on  se  sert  principalement  sur  les  vais- 
seaux  pour  tirer  a  l'abordage,  et  qu'on  charge  avec  des  car- 
touches remplies  de  pierres,  de  cailloux,  de  ferraille  &c." 
Possibly  a  small  cannon  called  a  "  saker,"  then  much  used  on 
ships. 

[    24I    ] 


Journal  d'un  Voyage  a  Guiane 

1624    que  les  Espagnols  auoient  faict  audela  Corperarj  en 
ejanuier    1'Amasone. 

Le  septiesme  nostre  cannonier  vint  de  Cajane  nous 
raporter  que  nos  gens  auoient  trouue  vne  plaine  a 
coste  de  Cajane  qui  leur  sembloit  fort  prop  re  et  qu'ils 
desiroient  que  nous  y  allassions  mais  la  difnculte  de 
retourner  nous  empescha  ioinct  que  les  Yayos  ou  nous 
estions  a  Commaribo  nous  tesmougnoient  beaucoup 
dafection  qui  nous  fit  demourer. 

Le  dixiesme  Januier  nous  achetasmes  vn  champ  pour 
faire  du  Toubac  d'Ariane  du  Texel  qui  nous  cousta 
quatre  haches. 

Le  vingt  cinquiesme  nostre  Capitaine  fut  a  Capoure 
auecq  Louys  le  Mayre  allant  a  la  chasse  ils  trouuerent 
une  Campagne  au  Nord  West  dudict  Capoure  eslon- 
guee  diceluy  de  lieue  et  demie  elle  estoit  longue  de  deux 
lieues  et  large  d'une  parsemee  de  boscages  et  pleine 
d'herbe  il  y  auoit  en  plusieurs  endroits  des  places  fort 
propres  pour  cultiuer  le  suchre  et  par  tout  bonne  pour 
la  tinture  de  cotton  il  laissa  au  diet  Capoure  Louys  le 
Mayre. 

20  Mars       Le  vingtiesme  de  Mars  les  Caribes  de  Cayane  vinrent 
a  Commaribo. 

Le  vingtdeuxiesme  y  arriuerent  les  Aricoures  habi- 
tant la  riuiere  de  Cassipoure  ennemis  des  Caribes  ce  qui 


[    242   ] 


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Journal  of  a  Voyage  to  Guiana 


which  the  Spaniards  had  made  beyond  Corperarj  on    1624 

the  Amazons.  January  6 

On  the  7th  our  gunner  came  from  Cajane  l  to  tell 
us  that  our  men  had  found  a  plain  on  the  Cajane  that 
seemed  to  them  very  suitable  and  they  wished  us  to 
go  there,  but  the  difficulty  of  returning  prevented  us; 
in  addition  to  which  the  Yayos  where  we  were  at  Com- 
maribo  showed  us  much  affection,  which  induced  us  to 
remain. 

On  the  10th  of  January  we  bought  of  Ariane  of 
Texel  a  field  in  which  to  grow  tobacco,  which  cost  us 
four  axes. 

On  the  25th  our  Captain  was  at  Capoure2  with 
Louis  le  Maire.  Having  gone  hunting,  they  found  a 
country  to  the  North  West  of  the  said  Capoure,  dis- 
tant therefrom  about  a  league  and  a  half.  It  was  two 
leagues  long  and  one  wide,  studded  with  groves  and 
full  of  grass.  In  several  places  there  were  very  suit- 
able spots  for  cultivating  sugar  and  it  was  good  every- 
where for  the  dyeing  of  cotton.  He  left  Louis  le  Maire 
at  Capoure. 

On  the  20th  of  March  the  Caribs  of  Cayenne  came    March  20 
to  Commaribo. 


On  the  22nd  the  Aricoures,  who  lived  at  Cassipoure 
River  and  were  enemies  of  the  Caribs,  arrived,  which 


1  River  Cajani  (Blaeuw,  1635). 

2  River  Cassipouri  (Blaeuw,  1635),  now  called  Cachipour. 
See  March  22nd. 


[  243  ] 


Journal  d'un  Voyage  a  Guiane 


1624  estonna  fort  les  Yaos  amis  communs  des  deux  et  comme 
22  Mars  jjs  se  preparoient  pour  se  battre  par  l'entremise  de 
nostre  Capitaine  et  desdicts  Yaos  la  paix  fut  faicte 
entre  eux  a  la  charge  que  les  Aricoures  la  demander- 
oient  leur  ceremonie  fut  que  les  Caribes  les  furent 
attandre  au  bord  de  la  mer  auecq  leurs  armes  et  leuans 
la  fleche  sur  larc  preste  a  descocher  les  Aricours  prirent 
de  leau  et  la  verserent  sur  leurs  testes  cela  faict  les 
Caribes  quittant  leurs  armees  coururent  dans  les 
canoes  des  autres  et  les  embrasserent  a  loccasion  de 
ceste  paix  les  yaos  les  traiterent  ensemble  huit  iours  ils 
ne  se  souuenoient  point  d'auoir  iamais  eu  paix  ensem- 
ble. 

/  ApuHl  Le  premier  jour  d'apuril  nostre  Capitaine  fut  a 
Massoure  montagne  qui  est  dans  les  Marais  qui  sont 
entre  Commaribo  et  Wanarj  pour  visiter  les  Aronakas 
y  demourans  il  trouua  la  demeure  fort  belle  et  de  bonne 
terre  mais  ils  sont  grandement  incommodes  de  Mous- 
quites. 

Le  vingt  huictiesme  d'apuril  nous  fusmes  a  Weypoko 
village  habite  des  yaos  scitue  a  six  lieues  de  Carippo  les 
Indiens  du  lieu  nous  menerent  voir  vne  prairie  qui  est 
a  l'Ost  du  village  eslonguee  diceluy  enuiron  demie  lieue 
ceste  prairie  est  longue  denuiron  vne  lieue  et  demie  et 
large  de  trois  quarts  de  lieues  couverts  dherbe  verde  il 
y  a  en  icelle  de  belles  places  pour  le  suchre  le  costan  du 
coste  de  l'West  est  fort  beau  et  la  terre  y  est  fort  prop  re 
pour  le  Toubac  proche  du  village  de  Weypoko  il  y  a  vn 
champ  au  Zud  diceluy  ou  nous  vismes  du  Toubac  qui 
anoit  ses  feilles  de  deux  pieds  et  demi  de  long  et  large 
d'vn  pied. 

[  244  ] 


Journal  of  a  Voyage  to  Guiana 

greatly  astonished  the  Yaos,  common  friends  of  the  1624 
two,  and  as  they  were  preparing  to  fight,  peace  was  March  22 
made  between  them  by  the  intervention  of  our  Cap- 
tain and  the  said  Yaos,  on  condition  that  the  Ari- 
coures  should  ask  for  it.  Their  ceremony  was  as  fol- 
lows :  the  Caribs  obliged  them  [the  Aricoures]  to  wait 
on  the  seashore  with  their  arms  and  [as  the  Caribs] 
fitted  the  arrow  to  the  bow  ready  to  let  fly,  the  Ari- 
coures took  water  and  poured  it  on  their  heads.  This 
done,  the  Caribs,  throwing  down  their  arms,  rushed 
into  the  canoes  of  the  others  and  embraced  them. 
On  the  occasion  of  this  peace  the  Yaos  entertained 
them  together  for  eight  days;  peace  having  never 
been  known  between  them  before. 

On  the  1st  of  April  our  Captain  was  at  Massoure    April  1 
mountain,  which  is  in   the  marshes   between   Com- 
maribo  and  Wanarj,  to  visit  the  Aronakas  living  there. 
He  found  it  a  beautiful  dwelling-place  and  good  land, 
but  they  are  very  much  inconvenienced  by  mosquitoes. 

On  the  28th  of  April  we  were  at  Weypoko  village, 
inhabited  by  the  Yaos,  situated  six  leagues  from  Car- 
ippo.  The  Indians  of  the  place  took  us  to  see  a 
meadow  which  is  to  the  East  of  the  village,  distant 
therefrom  about  */£  league.  This  meadow  is  about  a 
league  and  a  half  long  and  three  quarters  of  a  league 
wide,  covered  with  green  grass.  There  are  in  it  fine 
places  for  sugar.  The  slope  toward  the  West  is  very 
beautiful  and  the  land  suitable  for  tobacco;  near  the 
village  of  Weypoko  to  the  South  of  it  is  a  field  where 
we  saw  some  tobacco  which  had  leaves  two  feet  and 
a  half  long  and  one  foot  broad. 

[  245  ] 


Journal  d'un  Voyage  a  Guiane 

1624  Le  Second  jour  de  May  nous  fusmes  a  Cormery  vil- 
2  May  jage  ou  habitent  les  Maraons  scitue  a  vne  lieue  au  des- 
soubs  de  Weypoko  et  lautre  coste  de  la  Riuiere  et  a 
trois  quarts  de  lieues  de  Capoure  nous  trouuasmes  la 
vne  agreable  place  et  ou  l'Oreillan  et  cotton  viennent 
abondamment. 

Le  Quatriesme  iour  de  May  nous  en  retournant  nous 
fusmes  descendre  a  la  pointe  d'Apoterj  ou  la  riuiere 
s'estroicist  de  sorte  quelle  na  que  150  pas  de  large  le 
lieu  est  haut  et  releue  par  dessus  leau  de  12  a  15  pieds 
ayant  des  deux  costes  la  riuiere  nous  iugeasmes  si  les 
families  venoient  que  ceste  place  seroit  fort  propre  pour 
fortiffier. 

27  Septembre  Le  vingt  septiesme  de  Septembre  nostre  Capitaine 
fut  a  Cayane  voir  les  Caribes  qui  le  receurent  amiable- 
ment. 

ioOctobre  Le  dixie  d'octobre  estant  de  retour  il  fut  voir  la 
montagne  de  Carippo  pour  dicelle  voir  de  combien  pres 
la  compagne  de  Capoure  approchoit  la  pointe  d'Apoterj 
il  iugea  qu'elle  l'aprochoit  de  quelque  cinq  cens  pas. 

Le  I3,e  d'octobre  s'en  retournant  il  fut  frappe  du 
soleil  qui  estoit  fort  aspre  ce  iour  la  dont  il  tomba 
esuanoui  dans  la  Canoe  ce  iour  il  arriua  saisi  dune  forte 
fieure. 

Le  I5ie  iour  d'Octobre  par  l'aduis  de  ceux  qui  auoient 
demoure  en  ce  pays  la  auant  nous  nous  le  fismes  seigner 


[  246  ] 


Journal  of  a  Voyage  to  Guiana 


1624 

May  2 


The  second  of  May  we  were  at  Cormery  Village, 
where  the  Maraons  live,  situated  one  league  below 
Weypoko  on  the  other  side  of  the  river,  and  at  three 
quarters  of  a  league  from  Capoure.  We  found  there 
a  pleasant  place  where  Oreillan  *  and  cotton  grow 
abundantly. 

On  the  4th  of  May,  when  returning,  we  descended 
to  Apoterj  point,  where  the  river  becomes  so  narrow 
that  it  is  only  150  paces  wide.  The  land  is  high,  raised 
12  or  15  feet  above  the  water,  having  the  river  on  both 
sides.  We  thought  that  if  the  families  came,  this 
place  would  be  very  suitable  to  fortify. 


On  the  27th  of  September  our  Captain  was  at  Cay-   September  27 
enne  to  see  the  Caribs,  who  received  him  kindly. 

On  the  10th  of  October  on  his  return  he  went  to  see    October  10 
Carippo  Mountain  from  which  to  see  how  near  the 
country  of  Capoure  came  to  Apoterj  point.   He  judged 
that  it  was  about  500  paces. 

On  the  13th  of  October  in  returning  he  had  a  sun- 
stroke, as  the  sun  was  very  strong  that  day,  so  that  he 
fell  fainting  into  the  canoe  and  arrived  this  day  seized 
with  a  severe  fever. 

On  the  15  th  of  October,  by  the  advice  of  those  who 
had  lived  in  this  country  before  us,  we  had  him  bled, 

1  Bixa  Orellana  —  a  small  tree  from  the  seeds  of  which 
a  valuable  red  dye  called  arnotto  or  annotto  is  made.  Orel- 
lana is  the  name  that  was  at  first  given  to  the  Amazon, 
after  its  discoverer,  Francisco  Orellana. 


[  247  ] 


Journal  d'un  Voyage  a  Guiane 


1624    Ce  qui  le  soulagea  mais  comme  impatiant  de  repos  il 
isOctobre    vou|ut  s'aller  promener  a  la  mer  il  fut  derechef  s'en 
retournant  frappe  du  soleil  qui  lui  redouble  la  fieure. 

Le  22ie  doctobre  mourut  nostre  diet  Capitaine  fort 
regrette  des  Chrestiens  et  Indiens  qui  l'auoient  pris  en 
grande  amitie  ce  iour  nous  le  portasmes  en  terre  le  plus 
honorablement  qu'il  nous  fut  possible  accompagnant 
le  corps  auec  nos  armes  que  nous  deschargeasmes  sur  sa 
fosse  trois  fois  chescun  et  nostre  piece  autant. 

25  Novembre  Le  vingt  cincquiesme  novembre  nous  fusmes  a  Mal- 
arj  vilage  habite  des  Yaos  scitue  audessus  du  premier 
Wal  en  l'intention  d'aller  de  la  voir  les  Nouraques 
habitans  au  haut  de  la  Riuiere  de  Wyapoko  enuiron 
cinquante  lieues  de  son  emboucheure. 

Le  vingt  huictiesme  nous  montasmes  le  second  et 
troiziesme  Wal  et  visitasmes  les  habitaons  de  Pranao 
Camiarj  et  Tapoko,  mais  a  cause  que  les  eaux  estoient 
trop  basses  nous  ne  peusmes  monter  plus  haut  le  pays 
au  dessus  du  Wal  est  fort  agreable  et  les  Maraons  y 
habitans  sont  fort  tractables  il  y  [a]  force  bonne  terre 
•sur  tout  dans  les  Isles  quantite  de  pourceaux  vaches 
sauuages  Cerfs  et  Poissons  deau  douce  en  tres  grande 
abondance. 

20  Decembre  Le  vingtiesme  Decembre  voyant  que  les  nauires  ne 
venoient  point  comme  on  nous  auoit  promis  et  que 
nos  charguesons  estoient  faillies  craignant  quauecq  le 


[  248  ] 


Journal  of  a  Voyage  to  Guiana 


October  15 


which  gave  him  relief;  but  being  impatient  of  keeping    162* 
quiet,  he  wished  to  go  on  the  sea  again,  returning 
from  which  he  again  had  a  sunstroke  which  redoubled 
his  fever. 

On  the  22nd  of  October  our  said  Captain  died,  much 
regretted  by  the  Christians  and  Indians  who  had  taken 
a  great  liking  to  him.  This  day  we  carried  him  to  be 
buried  as  honorably  as  was  possible  for  us,  accompany- 
ing the  body  with  our  arms,  which  we  each  discharged 
three  times  over  his  grave  and  our  cannon  as  well. 

On  the  25th  of  November  we  were  at  Malarj,  a  vil-   November  25 
lage  inhabited  by  the  Yaos,  situated  above  the  first 
Wal,1  intending  to  go  from  there  to  see  the  Nouragues, 
who  live  far  up  the  River  Wyapoko  about  50  leagues 
from  its  mouth. 

On  the  28th  we  ascended  the  second  and  third  Wal 
and  visited  the  settlements  of  Pranao,  Camiarj,  and 
Tapoko,  but  the  water  being  too  low  we  could  not  go 
up  higher.  The  country  above  the  Wal  is  very  pleas- 
ant and  the  Maraons  who  live  there  are  very  tractable. 
There  is  plenty  of  good  land,  especially  in  the  islands, 
and  many  swine  and  wild  cattle,  also  deer  and  fresh 
water  fish  in  very  great  abundance. 

On  the  20th  of  December,  seeing  that  the  ships  did    December  20 
not  come    as    they  had  promised    us   and  that   our 
stores  2  were  giving  out,  and  fearing  that  in  time  we 

1  Apparently  intended  for  the  Dutch  word  Pal,  or  Water- 
val,  meaning  "falls"  or  "cataract." 

2  Merchandise,  barter  goods? 

[    249    ] 


Journal  d'un  Voyage  a  Guiane 


1624  temps  nous  feussions  contraincts  de  forcer  les  Indiens 
20  Decembre    pOUr  auoir  les  viures  Nous  assemblasmes  les  autres 

chrestiens  qui  estoient  a  Commaribo  pour  consulter 
ensemble  ce  que  nous  deuions  faire  tous  furent  dauis 
que  pendant  que  nous  auions  encore  quelque  chose  il 
falloit  essayer  a  faire  quelque  Barque  auecq  laquelle 
nous  peussions  gasgner  les  isles  de  Caribes  ou  il  y  a 
presque  tousiours  des  nauires  desquels  nous  pourrions 
auoir  quelque  ayde  pour  retourner  au  pays  ou  pour 
pouuoir  attandre  les  nauires  de  la  Compagnee. 

1625  Le  premier  iour  de  Ian  1625  nous  partismes  de  Com- 
1  Januier    maribo  pour  chercher  vne  place  au  haut  de  la  Riuiere  a 

fin  selon  nostre  resolution  d'y  pouuoir  bastir  vne  bar- 
que au  nombre  de  dix  scauoir  six  de  nostre  et  quatre 
autres  qui  s'estoient  ioincts  auecq  nous. 

Le  troiziesme  iour  de  Januier  nous  arriuasmes  a 
Tawya  et  Jnarj  que  nous  trouuasmes  les  plus  com- 
modes tant  pour  le  lieu  que  pour  les  viures. 

Le  quatriesme  nous  nous  departismes  aux  deux  places 
pour  faire  des  planches  a  quoy  nous  nous  employasmes 
si  bien  que  combien  que  neussions  que  des  haches  et 
planes  sans  aucunes  scies  nous  fismes  en  six  semaines 
150  planches  de  20  pieds  de  long  et  vn  de  large  auecq 
laquelle  Sternes  Courbes  et  autres  choses  necessaires. 

10  Mars  Le  10  de  Mars  les  Yaos  nous  vinrent  querir  pour  aller 
a  la  guerre  contre  les  Mays  ennemis  communs  de  tous 
les  autres  Indiens  quelques  vns  estoient  daduis  de  con- 


[  25°  ] 


Journal  of  a  Voyage  to  Guiana 

should  be  obliged  to  force  the  Indians  to  give  us  food, 
we  assembled  the  other  Christians  who  were  at  Com- 
maribo  to  consult  together  as  to  what  we  ought  to  do: 
All  were  of  the  opinion  that  while  we  still  had  some- 
thing, we  ought  to  try  to  build  some  sort  of  craft  with 
which  we  could  reach  the  Caribbean  Islands,  where 
there  are  nearly  always  ships  from  which  we  could  get 
help  either  to  return  to  the  country  or  to  wait  for  the 
ships  belonging  to  the  Company. 


1624 

December  20 


On  the  first  day  of  the  year  1625  we  departed  from 
Commaribo  to  look  for  a  place  further  up  the  river,  in 
order,  according  to  our  resolution,  to  build  there  a 
boat.  We  were  ten  in  number,  that  is  to  say,  six  of  our 
own  party  and  four  others  who  had  joined  us. 


1625 

January  I 


On  the  3rd  of  January  we  arrived  at  Tawya  and 
Inarj,  which  we  found  most  convenient  as  to  both 
situation  and  provisions. 

On  the  4th  we  went  to  both  places  to  cut  planks,  at 
which  we  employed  ourselves  so  well  that  although  we 
had  only  axes  and  planes  and  no  saws,  in  six  weeks  we 
had  1 50  planks  20  feet  long  and  1  foot  wide,  with  bows,1 
knees,  and  other 'necessary  things. 

On  the  10th  of  March  the  Yaos  came  to  ask  us  to  go    March  10 
to  war  against  the  Mays,  the  common  enemies  of  all 
the  other  Indians.    Some  were  of  the  opinion  that  we 

1  "  Sternes"  does  not  seem  to  be  connected  with  the  Eng- 
lish word  meaning  the  stern  of  the  ship  but  with  the  Latin 
and  French  word  sternum  —  breast-bone,  especially  of  birds; 
and  so  the  word  is  here  translated  "bows." 

[251  ] 


Journal  d'un  Voyage  a  Guiane 

1625  tinuer  nostre  entreprise  les  autres  dobtemperer  aux 
10  Mars  Yaos  et  les  suiure  le  dernier  aduis  fut  suivj  et  fusmes 
cincq  auecq  eux  laissant  les  autres  pour  faire  prouision 
de  Gomme  pour  poisser  nostre  Barbe  [Barque?]  et 
descorcer  de  certain  arbre  fort  propre  pour  faire  les 
Chordages. 

Le  quatorzieme  de  Mars  nous  partismes  de  Commar- 
ibo  pour  aller  a  Cassipoure  et  de  la  aux  Mays. 

Le  Seziesme  estant  entres  dans  vne  riuiere  pour 
pescher  nous  vismes  vne  seppent  qui  auoit  la  teste 
grosse  comme  celle  dun  aigneau  de  trois  moys  elle 
pouuoit  estre  longue  de  vingt  cinq  pieds  et  grosse 
comme  la  cuisse  nous  ne  la  peusmes  iamais  tuer. 

Le  dixseptiesme  nous  arriuasmes  chez  les  Aricoures 
qui  aduertoient  leurs  gens  de  nostre  venue  et  dessein. 

Le  21 ie  nous  nous  trouuasmes  150  Canoes  et  bien 
500  hommes  ce  jour  nous  partismes. 

Le  23 ie  de  Mars  comme  nous  approchions  les  Mays 
sur  les  neuf  heures  et  demie  du  soir  nous  vismes  la  lune 
eclipsee  ce  qui  estonna  tellement  tous  fios  Indiens  qu'ils 
estoient  comme  fols  et  hors  du  sens  car  ils  sautoient  et 
dansoient  dans  leau  ils  nous  dirent  que  cestoit  vn 
presage  que  les  Mays  les  tueroient  tous  nous  les  assur- 


{  252  ] 


Journal  of  a  Voyage  to  Guiana 

should  continue  our  enterprise;  others  that  we  should    1625 
comply  with  the  request  of  the  Yaos  and  accompany    March  10 
them.    The  latter  advice  was  followed  and  five  of  us 
went  with  them,  leaving  the  others  to  gather  enough 
gum  to  pitch  our  hull  and  prow  l  and  to  strip  off  from 
certain  trees  bark  suitable  for  making  ropes. 

On  the  14th  of  March  we  left  Commaribo  to  go  to 
Cassipoure  and  from  there  to  the  Mays. 

• 

On  the  16th,  having  come  into  a  river  to  fish,  we  saw 
a  serpent  which  had  a  head  as  large  as  a  lamb  three 
months  old.  It  must  have  been  25  feet  long  and  as 
thick  as  the  thigh;  we  could  never  have  killed  it. 

On  the  17th  we  arrived  at  the  Aricoures,  who  warned 
their  people  of  our  arrival  and  design. 

On  the  21st  we  found  that  we  had  150  canoes  and 
fully  500  men.   We  left  this  day. 

On  the  23rd  of  March  as  we  approached  the  Mays  at 
half  past  nine  in  the  evening,  we  saw  an  eclipse  of  the 
moon,  which  so  much  astonished  all  our  Indians  that 
they  were  like  men  mad  and  out  of  their  senses,  for 
they  leapt  and  danced  in  the  water  and  told  us  that 
it  was  a  forewarning  that  the  Mays  would  kill  them 
all.    We  assured  them  of  our  power  and  at  last  they 

1  The  Diet,  de  VAcad.  Franc,  says  under  "Barbe" 
(Marine):  "Se  dit  Des  bouts  de  bordage  qui  entrent  dans 
le  bas  de  la  rablure  de  l'entrave,"  —  which  would  seem  to 
correspond  as  nearly  as  possible  to  our  "hull  and  prow"  — 
the  part  most  needing  caulking. 

[  253  ] 


Journal  d'un  Voyage  a  Guiane 


1625    asmes  de  nostre  pouuoir  en  fin  ils  passerent  leur  furie 
23  Mars    a  tjrer  jes  fleches   (au  bout  desquelles  y  auoit  des 
charbons  ardans)  vers  la  lime  lappellant  meschante. 

Le  24*  de  Mars  a  la  pointe  du  jour  nous  approch- 
asmes  un  des  villages  des  Mays  auquel  y  auoit  quatre 
maisons  dont  l'une  auoit  1000  pieds  de  long  enuiron- 
nant  le  village  de  peur  qu'ils  ne  sortissent  pour  aduertir 
les  autres  au  dit  jour  nos  gens  enuoyerent  denoncer  leur 
venue  a  leurs  ennemis  qui  (euant  qu'ils  vissent  des 
Chrestiens  et  des  arms  dont  ils  n'auoient  quoy 
parler)  ne  flrent  que  se  rire  et  les  mespriser  nous  mismes 
le  feu  dans  vne  maison  mais  les  autres  se  deffendoient 
si  bien  que  nous  n'y  peusmes  iamais  entrer  dies  estoient 
enuironnees  de  galleries  faites  de  palmites  et  fort  bien 
flancquees  mais  ce  qui  me  fit  fort  esmerueiller  cest  que 
nonobstant  nos  mousquetades  ils  venoient  sans  crain- 
dre  nous  tirer  des  coups  de  fleches  a  la  longeur  dune 
picque  nous  approchasmes  auecq  petis  canons  l  a  la 
faueur  de  leurs  maisons  tesmoicgnans  l'enuie  quils 
auoient  de  defTendre  la  liberte  de  leurs  femmes  et  en- 
fans  au  despens  de  leur  vie  qu'ils  mesprisoient  d'un 
courage  inuicible  mesme  i'en  vis  cincq  dans  vn  canoe 
qui  sans  sestonner  se  firent  tuer  4'un  appres  lautre  le 
dernier  desquels  appres  auoir  eu  la  jambe  coupee  d'une 
balle  ramee  s'assit  dans  le  canoe  et  tira  ses  fleches  tant 
qu'il  eut  vne  goute  de  sang  sur  les  neuf  heures  arriu- 
erent  trois  grands  canoes  au  secours  de  leurs  voisins  qui 
malgre  les  fleches  de  nos  Indiens  passerent  au  trauers 
la  moitie  des  Canoes  de  leurs  ennemis  et  neust  este  q'un 
Angloys  de  deux  coups  de  mousquets  charges  de  balles 

1  Undoubtedly  meant  for  canoes. 

[  254  ] 


Journal  of  a  Voyage  to  Guiana 

expended  their  frenzy  by  shooting  arrows  (at  the  end    1625 
of  which  were  live  coals)  towards  the  moon  and  calling    March  23 
it  wicked. 

On  the  24th  of  March  at  daybreak  we  approached 
one  of  the  villages  of  the  Mays  in  which  there  were  four 
houses,  of  which  one  was  one  thousand  feet  long.  We 
surrounded  the  village  for  fear  they  should  go  out  to 
warn  the  others.  On  the  said  day  our  Indians  sent  to 
announce  their  arrival  to  their  enemies,  who  (before 
they  saw  any  Christians  and  arms  of  which  they  knew 
only  from  hearsay)  did  nothing  but  laugh  at  and 
deride  them.  We  set  fire  to  one  house,  but  the  others 
were  so  well  defended  that  we  could  never  get  into 
them.  They  were  surrounded  by  galleries  made  of 
palmetto  and  very  well  protected,  but  what  I  marveled 
at  greatly  was  that  in  spite  of  our  musket  shots  they 
[the  Mays]  advanced  fearlessly  to  discharge  their  ar- 
rows at  us  within  a  pike's  length.  We  approached  in 
small  canoes  under  cover  of  their  houses,  witnessing 
their  eagerness  to  defend  the  liberty  of  their  wives  and 
children  at  the  expense  of  their  own  lives,  which  they 
risked  with  unconquerable  courage.  I  even  saw  five  of 
them  in  a  canoe  who,  quite  unmoved,  allowed  them- 
selves to  be  killed  one  after  the  other,  the  last  of  whom, 
after  having  his  leg  cut  off  by  a  chain-shot,1  seated 
himself  in  the  canoe  and  shot  his  arrows  as  long  as  he 
had  a  drop  of  blood  left.  Towards  nine  o'clock  three 
large  canoes  arrived  to  help  their  neighbors,  who,  in 
spite  of  the  arrows  of  our  Indians,  passed  through  half 
the  canoes  of  their  enemies;  and  had  it  not  been  that 
an  Englishman,  by  two  discharges  of  muskets  loaded 

1  Two  or  three  balls  fastened  together  with  wire. 

[  255  ]     . 


Journal  d'un  Voyage  a  Guiane 

1625  de  pistolets  en  blessa  quatre  et  tua  quatre  autres  ils 
24  Mars  eussent  passe  oultre  mais  ces  deux  coups  qui  auoient 
tant  faict  dexecution  estonne  tellement  ceux  des  deux 
autres  canoes  quils  sen  fuirent  laissant  quatorze  per- 
sonnes  qui  restoient  en  vie  a  la  mercj  de  leurs  ennemis 
qui  les  assommerent  tous  cela  faict  voyant  la  cruaute 
de  nos  gens  et  le  courage  des  autres  nous  denonceasmes 
a  nos  Indiens  que  nous  nauionsplus  depouldrece  qui 
les  fit  partir  appres  auoir  coupe  les  testes  des  mortes  et 
les  emportans  en  triomphe  au  bout  de  leurs  dards  nous 
emmenasmes  trois  Indiens  pour  esclaues  laissant  de 
l'ennemj  plus  de  120  morts  et  beaucoup  de  blesses  des 
nostres  en  fut  tue  vn  et  50  blesses  ce  iour  nous  retour- 
nasmes  coucher  ches  les  Aricoures. 

Le  vingt  neufie  arriuasmes  a  Commaribo. 

1  Apuril  Le  premier  iour  d'Apuril  nous  fusmes  visiter  vn  petit 
nauire  francois  qui  en  nostre  absence  estoit  arriue  a 
Wyapoko  il  nous  aduertit  de  la  prise  de  la  Baye  par 
nos  gens  il  nous  promit  de  nous  donner  des  Chargesons 
mais  le  soir  venue  il  fit  voille  sans  nous  dire  a  Dieu  de 
peur  qu'il  auoit  de  nous. 

Le  quinziesme  dApuril  nous  retournasmes  a  Tawya 
&  Inarj  pour  continuer  nostre  barque. 

Le  dix  huictiesme  nous  commenceasmes  a  la  monter 
sur  vne  Quille  de  30  pieds  luy  donnant  36  pieds  entre 
les  sternes  et  douze  de  large  suiuant  la  proportion  de 
nostre  cheloupe. 


[  256] 


Journal  of  a  Voyage  to  Guiana 

with  pistol  balls,  wounded  four  of  them  and  killed  four  1625 
others,  they  would  have  passed  through,  but  these  two  March  24 
shots  which  did  so  much  execution  astonished  those  in 
the  other  two  canoes  so  greatly  that  they  fled,  leaving 
fourteen  people  that  were  still  living  at  the  mercy  of 
their  enemies,  who  massacred  them  all.  This  done, 
seeing  the  cruelty  of  our  people  and  the  courage  of  the 
others,  we  informed  our  Indians  that  we  had  no  more 
powder,  which  induced  them  to  come  away,  after  cut- 
ting off  the  heads  of  the  dead  and  carrying  them  away 
in  triumph  on  the  end  of  their  spears.  We  brought 
away  three  Indians  as  slaves,  leaving  of  the  enemy 
more  than  120  dead  and  many  wounded.  Of  our  force 
one  was  killed  and  50  wounded.  That  day  we  returned 
to  sleep  with  the  Aricoures. 

On  the  29th  we  arrived  at  Commaribo. 

On  the  1st  of  April  we  visited  a  small  French  ship  April  1 
which  had  arrived  at  Wyapoko  in  our  absence.  They 
notified  us  of  the  taking  of  the  Bay *  by  our  people  and 
promised  to  give  us  some  articles  for  barter;  but  when 
the  evening  came,  sailed  away  without  bidding  us 
good-bye  because  of  their  fear  of  us. 

On  the  15th  of  April  we  returned  to  Tawya  and  Inarj 
to  go  on  with  our  boat. 

On  the  1 8th  we  began  to  put  it  on  a  keel  of  30  feet, 
giving  it  36  feet  from  stem  to  stern  and  12  feet  beam, 
following  the  proportions  of  our  pinnace. 


1  Bay  of  San  Salvador. 

[  257  ] 


Journal  d'un  Voyage  a.  Guiane 

1623  Le  vingt  troiziesme  de  May  arriva  au  diet  Tawya  la 
25  May  Croupe  du  nauire  norame  le  Dragon  verd  sur  lequel 
commandoit  Gelin  van  Stabels  de  Flixingue  qui  auoit 
este  auecq  l'admiral  Lucifer  en  la  Riuiere  des  Amazones 
y  porter  le  Capitaine  Odan  et  quatre  vingts  a  cent 
soldats  il  trouva  nostre  barque  sy  auance  que  dans 
trois  semaines  nous  esperions  la  mettre  a  leau  ayant 
desia  prepare  les  voilles  de  nos  Amakes l  le  dit  Gelin 
nous  diet  qu'il  auoit  charge  de  Messieurs  les  Directeurs 
de  la  Compagnee  de  West  Inde  en  la  Chambre  de 
Zeeland  de  nous  emmener  ce  qui  nous  rejouit  beaucoup. 

Le  vingt  quatriesme  ledict  Maistre  fit  faire  vne 
flotte  des  planches  que  nous  auions  de  reste  et  appres 
auoir  charge  les  fers  de  nostre  cheloupe  et  nos  hardes 
nous  emmena  au  nauire. 

Le  vingt  septiesme  nous  fusmes  a  Commaribo  querir 
le  reste  de  nos  hardes. 

Le  vingt  huictiesme  estant  de  retour  nous  fismes 
voille  de  Wyapoko  courant  Nord  West  de  Nord  vers 
constabel  Eyland. 

Le  vingt  neufiesme  nous  arriuasmes  au  droict  de  la 
dicte  Isle. 

Le  trentiesme  arriuasmes  enchrer  a  l'emboucheure 
de  la  riuiere  sur  trois  brasses  fond  de  sable  et  claye 

1  Probably  intended  for  "  hamacs." 


[  258  ] 


Journal  of  a  Voyage  to  Guiana 

On  the  23rd  of  May  there  arrived  at  the  said  Tawya  1625 
the  boat  of  a  ship  called  the  "Green  Dragon," l  which  May  2* 
was  commanded  by  Gelyn  van  Stapels  of  Flushing, 
who  had  been  with  Admiral  Lucifer  in  the  River  of  the 
Amazons  conveying  there  Captain  Odan  and  eighty  to 
one  hundred  soldiers.  He  found  our  boat  so  advanced 
that  in  three  weeks  we  had  hoped  to  launch  it,  having 
already  made  sails  out  of  our  hammocks.2  The  said 
Gelyn  told  us  that  he  was  charged  by  the  Directors  of 
the  West  India  Company  in  the  Zeeland  Chamber  to 
take  us  with  him,  which  gave  us  great  joy. 

On  the  24th  the  said  Master  caused  a  raft  to  be 
made  of  the  planks  which  we  had  left  over,  and  after 
loading  thereon  the  iron  work  from  our  pinnace  and 
our  clothing,  took  us  with  him  to  the  ship. 

On  the  27th  we  were  at  Commaribo  to  collect  the 
rest  of  our  belongings. 

On  the  28th  we  got  back  and  set  sail  from  Wyapoko, 
running  North  West  by  North  towards  Constable's 
Island. 

On  the  29th  we  arrived  on  the  right  of  the  said 
island. 

On  the  30th  we  arrived  and  anchored  at  the  mouth 
of  the  river  in  three  fathoms,  a  bottom  of  mixed  sand 


1  The  Flying  Dragon,  probably  called  "Green  Dragon" 
by  the  scribe  because  of  its  color. 

2  The  native  women  made  beautifully   fine  and  very 
strong  cotton  hammocks,  called  "hamaka." 

[  259  ] 


Journal  d'un  Voyage  a  Guiane 


1625  mesles  ensemble,  de  Cayane  la  coste  despuis  Com- 
30  May  maribo  iusques  a  Cawo  court  Nord  West  de  Commar- 
ibo  a  Apperwaka  il  y  a  cincq  lieues  Constabels  Eyland 
est  a  1  Ost  de  lemboucheure  de  la  riuiere  d'Aperwaka 
d'Aperwaka  a  Cawo  il  y  a  deux  lieues  de  Cawo  a  Wya 
il  y  a  deux  lieues  Nord  West  vn  peu  plus  West  de  Caya 
a  Cayane  riuiere  il  y  a  deux  lieues  lisle  court  de  la 
riuiere  Wya  Nord  West  trois  quarts  de  lieues  puis  West 
quart  au  Nord  trois  quarts  de  lieues  et  Zud  West  quart 
a  lWest  demie  lieu  a  lembouchure  de  la  riuiere  Nord 
dicelle  il  y  a  vn  roche  descouuere  qui  est  vne  lieue  et 
demie  en  mer  aux  deux  points  du  milieu  de  lisle  il  y  a 
des  rochers  qui  se  couvrent  deau  a  haute  maree  a 
lemboucheure  de  Wya  il  y  a  cincq  Islettes  dont  quatre 
sont  Nord  dicele  et  la  cincquie  est  Nord  West  quart  au 
Nord. 

ijuin  Le  dernier  [premier]  de  juin  les  Caribes  e  Cajane 
nous  apporterent  quelque  boys  de  lettre  et  vne  Tortue 
de  mer  qui  pesoit  cincq  cent  liures. 

Le  second  jour  de  juin  nous  partismes  de  Cajane 
prenant  nostre  cours  Nord  West  et  Nord  West  vers 
West  pour  passer  entre  la  terre  et  les  Isles  de  Mane- 
manorj  ou  nous  arriuasmes  ce  jour  la  Coste  despuis 
Cajane  vers  la  riuiere  de  Manamanorj  court  deux  lieues 
Nord  West  et  Nord  West  quart  au  Nord  puis  Nord 


[   260   ] 


Journal  of  a  Voyage  to  Guiana 

and  clay.  From  Cayenne  the  coast  beyond  Commaribo  1625 
to  Cawo  extends  North  West.  From  Commaribo  to  May  3° 
Apperwaka  is  five  leagues.  Constable's  Island  is  to  the 
East J  of  the  mouth  of  Aperwaka  River.  From  Aper- 
waka  to  Cawo  is  two  leagues ;  from  Cawo  to  Wya  two 
leagues  North  West  a  little  more  West;  from  Caya  to 
Cayenne  River  is  two  leagues.  The  island  extends  from 
Wya  River  North  West  three  quarters  of  a  league,  then 
West  a  quarter  North  three  quarters  of  a  league,  and 
South  West  a  quarter  West  half  a  league.  At  the 
mouth  of  the  river,  north  of  it,  there  is  a  bare  rock 
which  is  a  league  and  a  half  out  at  sea;  at  the  two  cen- 
tral points  of  the  island  are  rocks  which  are  covered 
with  water  at  high  tide.  At  the  mouth  of  Wya  there 
are  five  small  islands,  four  of  which  are  North  of  it  and 
the  fifth  North  West  a  quarter  North. 

The  first  day  of  June  the  Caribs  of  Cayenne  brought    June  1 
us  some  letter-wood  2  and  a  turtle  which  weighed  500 
pounds. 

On  the  2nd  of  June  we  left  Cajane,  taking  our  course 
North  West  and  North  West  towards  the  West  to  pass 
between  the  mainland  and  the  islands  of  Manemanorj, 
where  we  arrived  the  same  day.  The  coast  from  Cay- 
enne towards  Manemanorj  River  runs  two  leagues 
North  West  and  North  West  a  quarter  North,  then 

1  North  West  according  to  map  of  Guiana  in  Blaeuw's 
atlas  of  1635. 

2  Piratinera  guianensis.  Letter  or  leopard  or  speckle 
wood.  A  very  valuable  wood  as  hard  as  ebony  and  weigh- 
ing about  eighty  pounds  to  the  square  foot.  It  was  worth 
£30  or  £40  sterling  a  ton.  Of  a  rich  brown  or  reddish  color 
with  curious  black  markings.   Now  exceedingly  rare. 

[  26.  ] 


Journal  d'un  Voyage  a  Guiane 


1625  West  quart  lWest  et  West  Nord  West  six  lieues  iusques 
2  Juin  a  la  dite  riuiere  au  Nord  Ost  dicelle  riuiere  enuiron  vne 
lieue  et  demie  il  y  a  force  rochers  au  Nord  sont  les 
Isles  de  Manemanorj  qui  sont  quatre  eslongnees  de 
deux  lieues  et  demie  de  la  Riuiere  de  Manemanorj 
iusques  a  Icarouarj  la  coste  court  encore  Nord  West 
quart  a  lWest  et  West  Nord  West  mais  d  Icarouarj  a 
Sinamarj  la  coste  court  West  Nord  West  quatre  lieues 
au  Nord  West  d'  Icarouarj  il  y  des  rochers  a  demie  lieu 
de  Terre  de  Sinamarj  a  Marayny  la  coste  court  West 
quart  au  Nord  et  West  Nord  West  par  lespace  de  seze 
lieues. 

Le  quatriesme  iour  de  May  [Juin]  nous  arriuasmes 
a  Maruine  ou  nous  trouuasmes  le  petit  nauire  francois 
qui  chargeoit  de  bois  de  lettre  il  diet  quil  sen  estoit  alle 
sans  parler  pource  qu'il  craignoit  que  nous  ne  saisis- 
sions  son  nauire  et  qu'il  croioit  estre  ayse  nayant  que 
treze  homes  a  son  bord.  nous  prismes  du  boys  de  lettre 
en  ceste  Riuiere  et  force  Cassaue. 

26  JeuilUt  Le  vingt  sixiesme  de  Jeuillet  nous  leuasmes  l'anchre 
pour  partir  mais  estans  a  l'emboucheure  nous  nous 
eschouasmes  auecq  peril  du  nauire. 

2  Aoust  Le  second  iour  d'Aougst  au  gros  de  maline  nous 
sortismes  de  Maruyne  passant  sur  les  sables  prenant 
nostre  cours  vers  Soraname. 


[    262    J 


Journal  of  a  Voyage  to  Guiana 

North  West  a  quarter  West  and  West  North  West  six  1625 
leagues  as  far  as  the  said  river,  about  a  league  and  a  June  2 
half  to  the  North  East  of  which  river  there  are  a  great 
many  rocks.  To  the  north  are  the  Manemanorj  Is- 
lands, four  in  number,  distant  two  leagues  and  a  half 
from  Manemanorj  River.  As  far  as  Icarouarj  the  coast 
runs  still  North  West  a  quarter  West  and  West  North 
West,  but  from  Icarouarj  to  Sinemarj  the  coast  runs 
West  North  West.  Four  leagues  to  the  North  West  of 
Icarouarj  there  are  rocks  at  half  a  league  from  land. 
From  Sinamarj  to  Moragny  the  coast  runs  West  a 
quarter  North  and  West  North  West  for  a  distance  of 
sixteen  leagues. 

On  the  4th  of  May  [June]  we  arrived  at  Maruini,1 
where  we  found  the  small  French  ship  loading  letter- 
wood.  [The  Master]  said  he  had  gone  away  without 
speaking  because  he  feared  that  we  would  seize  his 
ship,  which  he  thought  would  be  easy  as  he  had  only 
thirteen  men  on  board.  We  got  some  letter-wood  in 
this  river  and  much  cassava.2 

On  the  26th  of  July  we  weighed  anchor  to  depart,    July  26 
but  being  at  the  mouth  we  ran  aground  with  great  dan- 
ger to  the  ship. 

On  the  2nd  of  August  at  the  height  of  the  spring  tide    August  2 
we  went  out  of  Maruyne,  passing  over  the  sand-banks, 
taking  our  course  towards  Surinam. 

1  Possibly  the  Maroni,  a  river  forming  the  boundary  be- 
tween French  and  Dutch  Guiana. 

2  A  sort  of  meal  prepared  from  the  dried  root  of  the 
manioc  (Manihot  utilissima  or  Bitter  Cassava),  familiar  to 
us  under  the  forms  of  tapioca  and  arrowroot. 

[  263  ] 


Journal  d'un  Voyage  a  Guiane 

1625       Le  troiziesme  nous  arriuasmes  a  Soraname  ou  nous 

3  Aoust    trouuasmes  l'Aigle  noir  Vis  admiral  de  Lucifer  qui 

auoit  pris  quelques  bois  de  lettre  que  ses  gens  auoient 

coupe  la  coste  de  Maruyne  court  Nord  West  4  lieues  et 

West  14  lieues  iusques  a  Soraname. 

Le  douziesme  d'Aoust  nous  partismes  de  Soraname 
pour  aller  a  Ezikebe. 

Le  quatorziesme  nous  arriuasmes  au  droict  de  Ber- 
bice  ou  nous  envoyasmes  la  Cheloupe  pour  traicter. 

Le  Quinziesme  nous  arriuasmes  a  Demelarj  la  coste 
despuis  Soraname  jusques  pres  Coretine  court  West  et 
de  la  a  Demelarj  Nord  West. 

Le  Seziesme  nostre  Cheloupe  fut  a  Ezikebe  pour 
porter  nostre  maistre  au  bord  de  1  Admiral  de  scauoir  sa 
volunte. 

Le  vingt  deuxiesme  nostre  Cheloupe  estant  de  retour 
nostre  nauire  fut  a  Ezikebe  guerir  le  reste  des  marchan- 
dises  que  l'admiral  y  auoit  laisse. 

Le  vingt  huictiesme  nous  retournasmes  dezekebe 
enchrer  a  Demelarj. 

1,2,3  Septembre  Le  I,  2  et  3e  l  nous  deschargeasmes  l'admiral  et 
Dragon  verd  dans  l'aigle  noir  qui  deuoit  retourner  au 
pays. 

1  Evidently  meant  for  ir,  20  et  3*  [Septembre]. 


[  264] 


Journal  of  a  Voyage  to  Guiana 

On  the  3rd  we  arrived  at  Surinam,  where  we  found    1625 
the  Black  Eagle,  Vice  Admiral   Lucifer,  which  had    Au&ust3 
taken  on  board  some  letter-wood  cut  by  its  crew.  The 
coast  of  Maruyne  runs  North  West  four  leagues  and 
West  fourteen  leagues  as  far  as  Surinam. 

On  the  1 2th  of  August  we  left  Surinam  to  go  to 
Essequibo. 

On  the  14th  we  arrived  to  the  right  of  Berbice, 
where  we  sent  the  pinnace  to  trade. 

On  the  15th  we  arrived  at  Demerara.  The  coast 
from  Surinam  nearly  to  Coretine  runs  West  and  from 
there  to  Demerara  North  West. 

On  the  16th  our  pinnace  went  to  Essequibo  to  take 
our  Master  on  board  the  Admiral's  ship  to  know  his 
wishes. 

On  the  22nd,  our  pinnace  having  returned,  our  ship 
went  to  Essequibo  to  fetch  the  rest  of  the  goods  which 
the  Admiral  had  left  there. 

On  the  28th  we  returned  from  Essequibo  and  an- 
chored at  Demerara. 

On  the  1st,  2nd,  and  3rd  [September]  we  unloaded    September  1,2,3 
[the  cargoes  of]  the  Admiral  ['s  ship  ?]  and  the  Green 
Dragon,  into  the  Black  Eagle,  which  was  to  return  to 
the  country  [Holland].1 

1  The  wording  of  this  entry  is  somewhat  ambiguous.  The 
Admiral  was  then  on  the  Essequibo  but  whether  on  board 

[  265  ] 


Journal  d'un  Voyage  a  Guiane 

1625       Le  neufiesme  de  Septembre  nous  partismes  de  Deme- 
gSeptembre   jarj  prenant  nostre  cours  Nord  Ost  vers  les  Isles  des 
Caribes. 

Le  Dixiesme  nous  continuasmes  meme  cours. 

Le  onziesme  nous  prismes  nostre  cours  Nord  quart 
a  l'Ost  et  Nord. 

Le  Douziesme  nous  mismes  au  Nord  Nord  West  a 
midy  nous  eusmes  10  degres  de  hauteur. 

Le  Dimanche  quatorziesme  vers  le  soir  nous  vismes 
vne  montagne  ronde  qui  est  entre  les  Islettes  des  Gren- 
adins  qui  estoit  a  lWest  quart  au  Nord  de  nous  enuiron 
cincq  lieues  nous  courusmes  la  nuict  en  mer. 

Le  Lundy  quinziesme  nous  courusmes  vers  Sainct 
Vincent. 

Le  Mardy  Sixiesme  a  cincq  heures  du  matin  nous 
vismes  la  Lune  eclipsee  ce  iour  nous  arriuasmes  enchrer 
a  Sainct  Vincent  en  la  Baye  de  Carakes  sur  18  et  20 
brasses  cest  vne  double  baye  diuisee  par  vne  montagne 
qui  sauance  en  mer  il  y  a  en  chescune  partie  vne  petite 
riuiere  qui  court  par  vne  belle  vallee. 


[   266  ] 


Journal  of  a  Voyage  to  Guiana 


On  the  9th  of  September  we  left  Demerara,  taking    1625 
our  course  North  East  towards  the  Caribbean  Islands.    SePtember  9 

On  the  10th  we  followed  the  same  course. 

On  the  1  ith  we  took  our  course  North  a  quarter  East 
and  North. 

On  the  1 2th  we  put  [the  ship's  head]  to  the  North 
North  West.  At  noon  we  were  in  latitude  10  degrees. 

On  Sunday  the  14th  towards  evening  we  saw  a  round 
mountain  among  the  little  Grenadine  Islands,  which 
were  to  the  West  a  quarter  North  of  us  about  five 
leagues  [distant].  During  the  night  we  kept  out  to  sea. 

On  Monday  the  15th  we  ran  towards  St.  Vincent. 

On  Tuesday  the  16th  at  five  o'clock  in  the  morning 
we  saw  an  eclipse  of  the  moon.  This  day  we  came  to 
anchor  at  St.  Vincent  in  Carakes  Bay  in  18  or  20  fath- 
oms. It  is  a  double  bay  divided  by  a  mountain  which 
juts  out  into  the  sea;  in  each  part  there  is  a  little  river 
running  through  a  beautiful  valley. 

one  of  his  ships  or  at  the  Dutch  fort  there,  we  cannot  tell. 
The  Journal  says,  under  date  of  September  16th,  that  van 
Stapels  went  "au  bord  de  l'Admiral,"  which  sounds  as  if  he 
were  on  board  a  ship.  In  this  case  his  ship  must  have  been 
the  Arent,  which  had  been  cruising  with  his  two  other  ships. 
Under  this  reading  the  translation  of  the  entry  on  Septem- 
ber 1st,  2nd,  and  3rd  should  read  as  above. 

The  Admiral  evidently  at  this  time  transferred  his  com- 
mand to  the  Flying  Dragon,  which  was  to  remain  in  the 
West  Indies  (see  entry  of  September  19th). 

[  267  ] 


Journal  d'un  Voyage  a  Guiane 

1625       Le  Mercredy  dix  septiesme  nous  prismes  nostre  eau. 

17  Septembre 

Le  Vrendredy  dix  neufiesme  l'admiral  Lucifer  et  le 
Dragon  verd  nous  dirent  adieu  et  prirent  leur  cours 
vers  la  grenade  et  l'Aigle  noir  ou  nous  estions  vers 
hollande  ce  iour  nous  vismes  Sainte  Lucie. 

Le  Salmedy  vingtiesme  au  matin  nous  estions  a  l'Ost 
de  la  Martinique  peu  apres  nous  vismes  le  Dominique 
au  Nord  Ost  de  nous  a  neuf  heures  nous  vismes  Guada- 
luppe. 

Le  vingt  deuxiesme  calme  sur  le  soir  se  leua  un  petit 
vent. 

Le  vingt  troizie  a  midy  nous  eusmes  Saint  Chris- 
tophle  a  l'O  de  nous  a  cet  heure  nous  nous  trouuasmes 
auoir  17  gr  30  minutes  de  hauteur  au  soir  nous  pas- 
sasmes  entre  Saba  et  Estacio  peu  appres  nous  vismes 
l'anguillade  au  nord  q  a  lOst  de  nous  la  nuict  nous 
calasmes  la  voille 

Le  vingt  quatriesme  a  midy  nous  estions  a  l'Ost  de 
Sombrere  a  cet  heure  nous  eusmes  18  gr  28  m. 

i6Novembre       Le  16  nouembre  nous  arriuasmes  a  flixinges  dont 
Dieu  soit  loue. 


[268] 


Journal  of  a  Voyage  to  Guiana 

On  Wednesday  the  17  th  we  took  in  our  water. 

On  Friday  the  19th  Admiral  Lucifer  and  the  Green 
Dragon  said  farewell  to  us  and  took  their  course 
towards  Grenada,  and  the  Black  Eagle,  where  we  were, 
turned  towards  Holland.  This  day  we  saw  Santa  Lucia. 

On  Saturday  the  20th  in  the  morning  we  were  to  the 
East  of  Martinique.  Shortly  afterwards  we  saw  Domi- 
nica to  the  North  East  of  us.  At  nine  o'clock  we  saw 
Guadeloupe. 

On  the  22nd  it  was  calm;  towards  the  evening  a 
gentle  breeze  sprang  up. 

On  the  23  rd  at  noon  we  had  Saint  Christopher  to  the 
East  of  us.  At  that  time  we  found  we  were  in  latitude 
17  degrees  30  minutes.  In  the  evening  we  passed  be- 
tween Saba  and  Eustatius;  shortly  after  we  saw  An- 
guilla  North  a  quarter  East  of  us;  at  night  we  lowered 
the  sail. 


1625 

September  17 


On  the  24th  at  noon  we  were  East  of  Sombrera.  At 
that  time  we  were  in  18  degrees  28  minutes. 

On  the  1 6th  of  November  we  arrived  at  Flushing  — 
for  which  God  be  praised. 


November  16 


[  269  ] 


Journal  d'un  Voyage  a  Guiane 


Description  de  la  Riuiere  de  Wyapoko 

Wyapoko  Wyapoko  est  scitue  sur  quatre  degres  trente  minutes 
au  Nord  de  la  ligne  elle  se  viude  avecq  les  riuieres 
d'Arcoa  et  Wanarj  dans  vne  baye  qui  a  d'emboucheure 
trois  lieues  l'une  des  extremites  de  laquelle  sappelle  le 
Cap  Dorange  scauoir  celle  qui  est  vers  l'Ost  et  l'autre 
Commaribo  iust  a  l'West  de  l'autre,  du  Cap  d'Orange 
la  coste  court  en  dedans  la  riuiere  en  se  courbant  Zud 
West  quart  au  Zud  iusques  a  la  riuiere  d'Arcoa  lespace 
de  deux  lieues  et  de  la  Zud  West  trois  quarts  de  lieues 
iusques  a  lemboucheure  de  la  riuiere  de  Wyapoko  a 
l'ost  de  ce  cap  est  l'autre  de  la  riuiere  appelle  Carippo 
remarque  par  vne  longue  montagne  appelle  du  mesme 
nom  de  Carippo.  de  ce  Cap  la  coste  court  West  Nord 
West  trois  quarts  de  lieues  iusque  a  la  riuiere  de 
Wanarj  de  la  la  coste  court  Zud  auecq  une  courbure 
lespace  de  deux  lieues  iusques  a  Commaribo  haute 
montagne.  De  l'emboucheure  de  Wyapoko  la  riuiere 
court  Zud  quart  a  l'West  deux  lieues  et  demie  iusques 
a  la  pointe  dApoterj  qui  est  la  premiere  place  on  ren- 
contre la  terre  haute  despuis  Carippo  car  despuis 
iceluy  de  part  et  dautre  il  y  a  des  marays  innondes  en 
tout  temps  cette  pointe  est  fort  prop  re  pour  estre 
fortiffiee  car  la  riuiere  y  faict  vn  angle  vn  peu  obtus  la 
fauorisant  de  deux  costes  oultre  cela  elle  est  releuee  par 
dessus  la  riuiere  de  leau  de  douze  a  treze  pieds  la  riuiere 
en  cet  endroict  est  fort  estroite  et  na  pas  plus  de  150 
pas  ou  200  au  plus  de  ceste  pointe  la  riuiere  court  Zud 
quard  [sic]  a  l'West  iusques  a  Cormorj  pres  de  lieue  et 


[    27°   ] 


Journal  of  a  Voyage  to  Guiana 


Description  of  the  River  Wyapoko 

The  Wyapoko  l  is  situated  in  latitude  4  degrees  30  Wyapoko 
minutes  North  of  the  equator.  It  empties,  together 
with  the  Rivers  Arcoa  and  Wanarj,  into  a  bay  three 
leagues  wide  at  the  mouth,  one  of  the  extremities 
of  which  is  called  Cape  Orange, —  that,  namely,  to- 
wards the  East;  and  the  other,  Commaribo,  exactly  due 
West  of  the  former.  From  Cape  Orange  the  coast  runs 
inland,  curving  South  West  a  quarter  South  as  far  as 
the  River  Arcoa,  for  a  distance  of  two  leagues,  and 
thence  South  West  three  quarters  of  a  league  as  far  as 
the  mouth  of  the  River  Wyapoko.  To  the  East  [West] 
of  this  cape  is  the  other  [cape]  of  the  river  called  Ca- 
rippo,  distinguished  by  a  long  mountain  called  by  the 
same  name —  Carippo.  From  this  cape  the  coast  runs 
West  North  West  three  quarters  of  a  league  as  far  as 
Wanarj  River.  Thence  the  coast  runs  South  with  a 
curve  for  the  distance  of  two  leagues  as  far  as  Com- 
maribo, a  high  mountain.  From  the  mouth  of  Wya- 
poko the  river  runs  South  a  quarter  West  two  leagues 
and  a  half  as  far  as  Apoterj  Point,  which  is  the  first 
place  where  one  meets  high  ground  after  leaving  Ca- 
rippo, for  from  that  place  on  both  sides  are  marshes 
continually  flooded.  This  point  is  very  proper  for  forti- 
fication, for  the  river  makes  there  a  somewhat  obtuse 
angle,  lending  itself  to  it  on  both  sides.  Moreover,  the 
point  stands  above  the  current  of  the  water  twelve  or 
thirteen  feet.  The  river  in  this  place  is  very  narrow  — 
only  150  or  200  paces  at  most.  From  this  point  the 
river  runs  South  a  quarter  West  as  far  as  Cormorj 

1  Now  called  the  Oyapok,  or  Oyapock,  the  river  sepa- 
rating French  Guiana  from  Brazil. 

[    27I    ] 


Journal  d'un  Voyage  a  Guiane 


Wyapoko  demie  entre  deux  il  y  a  plusieurs  isles  et  rochers  et  la 
riuiere  de  Capoure  qui  mene  a  une  place  fort  propre 
pour  une  Collonie  De  Cormorj  elle  s'encline  en  se 
courbant  Zud  West  iusques  au  village  de  Weipoko 
lespace  d'une  lieue  de  la  elle  court  Zud  une  lieue  et  de 
la  elle  se  courbe  vn  peu  vers  le  Zud  quart  a  l'Ost  et 
puis  Zud  quart  a  l'West  iusques  a  la  Kataracte  ou  Wal 
Ceste  riuiere  est  habitee  de  trois  nations  scauoir  Yayos 
Maraons  et  Nourakes  il  y  a  aussi  des  Arouakes  qui 
habitent  proches  des  montagnes  de  Wanarj  sur  vne 
montagne  qui  est  dans  les  marays  qui  sont  entre  elles  et 
la  mer  appellee  Massoure  Les  Yayos  habitent  Com- 
maribo  habita[ti]on  asses  fertille  et  agreable  le  village 
de  Weipoko  scitue  sur  une  montagne  grasse  et  qui  a  a 
dos  vne  prairie  eslongues  diceluy  de  quinze  cens  pas  et 
vn  autre  village  au  dessus  du  premier  Wal  appelle 
Mallarj  lieu  fort  agreable  et  ou  la  terre  est  fort  fertille. 
Les  Maraons  habitent  Capoure  fort  beau  lieu  de  chasse 
pour  la  quantite  de  pourceaux  qui  sy  amassent.  Le 
lieu  de  Cormorj,  Tawya,  Inarj  Woschj  et  au  dessus  du 
Wal  comme  Pranao,  Camiarj  et  Tapoko  demeures  de- 
lectables  pour  la  douceur  de  l'air  qu'ameine  vn  petit 
vent  frais  et  doux,  pour  la  quantite  de  pourceaux  et 
vaches  sauuages  qu'ils  appellent  Maypourj,  mais  sur 
tout  pour  labondance  de  poissons  doux  d'un  excellent 
goust.  Les  Nouracques  habitent  au  haut  de  la  riuiere 
au  dessus  de  trente  deuxiesme  Wal  il  y  croist  quantite 
de  cotons  et  Oreillans  qu'ils  vendent  aux  autres  Indiens 
plus  proches  de  la  mer.  II  n'y  a  rien  a  traicter  auecq 
les  Indiens  que  des  viures  qu'ils  ont  abondemment 


[  272  ] 


Journal  of  a  Voyage  to  Guiana 

nearly  a  league  and  a  half.  Between  them  are  several  Wyapoko 
islands  and  rocks  and  the  River  Capoure,  which  leads 
to  a  place  very  proper  for  a  colony.  From  Cormorj  it 
bends  in  a  curve  South  West  as  far  ,as  the  village  of 
Weipoko  for  the  space  of  a  league;  thence  it  runs  South 
one  league;  and  from  there  bends  itself  a  little  towards 
the  South  a  quarter  East  and  then  South  a  quarter 
West  as  far  as  the  cataract  or  Wal.  [The  banks  of]  this 
river  are  inhabited  by  three  nations ;  namely,  the  Yaos, 
the  Maraons,  and  the  Nourakes.  There  are  also  the 
Arouakes,  who  live  near  the  Wanarj  Mountains  on  a 
hill  in  the  marshes  which  are  between  them  and  the  sea, 
called  Massoure.  The  Yaos  live  at  Commaribo,  a  fruit- 
ful and  pleasant  enough  place.  The  village  of  Weipoko 
is  situated  on  a  fertile  mountain  which  has  at  the  back 
a  meadow  stretching  fifteen  hundred  feet  and  another 
village  above  the  first  Wal  [cataract],  called  Mallarj,  a 
most  agreeable  spot  and  where  the  land  is  very  fertile. 
The  Maraons  live  at  Capoure,  a  very  fine  hunting  coun- 
try by  reason  of  the  numbers  of  wild  hogs  which 
gather  there.  The  region  of  Cormorj,  Tawya,  Inarj, 
Woschj,  and,  above  the  Wal,  like  Pranao,  Camiarj, 
and  Tapoko,  are  delightful  dwelling-places  because 
of  the  sweetness  of  the  air,  produced  by  a  gentle, 
fresh,  soft  wind;  also  because  of  the  number  of  hogs  and 
wild  cattle  which  they  call  Maypourj,  but  above  all  for 
the  abundance  of  fresh  fish  of  an  excellent  flavor.  The 
Nouracques  inhabit  the  upper  part  of  the  river  above 
the  thirty-second  cataract.  They  grow  there  much 
cotton  and  Oreillan,1  which  they  sell  to  other  Indians 
who  live  nearer  the  sea.  There  is  nothing  to  trade  for 
with  the  Indians  except  eatables,  which  they  have  in 

1  See  footnote,  p.  247  of  Journal. 

[  273  ] 


Journal  (Tun  Voyage  a  Guiane 

Wyapoko  encore  que  le  Coton  l'Oreillan  et  Toubac  y  viennent 
tres  bien  mais  leur  paresse  faict  qu'ils  n'en  receuillent 
que  pour  leur  necessite  il  y  croist  force  gomme  Elemmj 
II  y  a  aussi  en  plusieurs  endroicts  de  la  Marcasite  d'or 
et  mesme  de  la  mine  sur  tout  a  Commaribo  et 
Carippo. 

Pour  entrer  dans  la  riuiere  venant  deuers  les  Ama- 
zones  il  faut  courir  si  auant  auant  doubler  le  Cap  que 
Ton  aye  le  Cap  d'Arcoa  Zud  quart  a  l'West  lors  il  faut 
courir  vers  iceluy  (pour  esuiter  vn  sable  qui  est  Zud 
Ost  et  N.  W.  de  Commaribo  et  Arcoa)  rangeant  la 
coste  tant  que  la  sonde  le  permet  mais  des  lors  que  vous 
estes  de  Commaribo  Zud  Ost  quart  a  l'Ost  il  vous  faut 
courir  vers  louuerture  de  la  riuiere  de  Wyapoko  pour 
esuiter  vn  sable  qui  est  au  Cap  Zud  d'Arcoa  vous 
anchrant  deuant  Carippo  sur  trois  brasses  asses  loing 
de  terre  autrement  les  anchres  chassent  pour  ce  que  le 
fond  est  trop  mal. 


[  274  ] 


Journal  of  a  Voyage  to  Guiana 

abundance;  also  cotton,  Oreillan,  and  tobacco,  which  Wyapoko 
grow  very  well  there,  but  because  of  their  laziness  they 
gather  no  more  than  they  need  for  themselves.  Much 
gum  elemi  grows  there.  Golden  marcasite  1  and  even 
lead  are  also  found  in  several  places,  particularly  at 
Commaribo  and  Carippo. 

In  order  to  enter  the  river  coming  from  the  Amazons 
one  must  run  so  far  ahead,  before  rounding  the  cape, 
that  Cape  Arcoa  is  South  a  quarter  West  and  then 
double  back  towards  it  (to  avoid  a  sand-bank  which  is 
South  East  and  N.  W.  of  Commaribo  and  Arcoa), 
sailing  along  the  coast  as  long  as  the  soundings  allow. 
As  soon  as  one  is  South  East  a  quarter  East  of  Com- 
maribo one  must  run  towards  the  mouth  of  Wyapoko 
River  to  avoid  a  sand-bank  which  is  at  the  Cape  south 
of  Arcoa,  anchoring  before  Carippo  in  three  fathoms 
far  enough  from  land,  otherwise  the  anchors  drag  be- 
cause the  bottom  is  too  soft. 

1  The  marcasites  are  species  of  "prismatic  iron  pyrites." 
There  are  two  varieties  —  the  pale  or  "white  marcasite," 
which  when  polished  is  like  burnished  steel,  and  a  yellow  or 
golden  one.  They  were  much  used  in  the  seventeenth  and 
eighteenth  centuries  as  substitutes  for  precious  stones, 
being  cut  and  facetted  like  rose  diamonds.  They  were  also 
in  demand  among  the  ancient  Peruvians  as  amulets,  and 
the  larger  pieces  of  the  pale  variety  were  used  for  mirrors. 


[  275  ] 


Journal  d'un  Voyage  a  Guiane 


Description  de  la  Riuiere  de  Eziquebe 

Eziquebe  Eziquebe  est  scituee  sur  sept  degres  au  Nord  de  la 
ligne  ceste  riuiere  est  fort  large  a  son  emboucheure  et 
que  Ion  tient  exceder  plus  de  dix  lieues  mesme  les  In- 
diens  estiment  que  dicelle  on  peut  aller  en  l'Orenoque 
sans  entrer  en  mer  elle  a  son  emboucheure  diuisee  en 
plusieurs  canaulx  entre  lesquels  il  y  a  de  grandes  isles 
le  canal  du  coste  de  l'Ost  court  Zud  West  entre  la  terre 
ferme  et  les  Isles  puis  elle  s'incline  Zud  l'espace  de  cinq 
lieues  ou  elle  se  diuise  en  deux  bras  et  de  la  elle  court 
Z.  W.  a  lieues  ou  elle  se  diuise  derechef  elle  est 

parsemee  d'isles  auecq  beaucoup  de  bancqs  de  sables 
et  mesme  de  rochers  vers  le  haut  cest  une  riuiere  ou 
iamais  nauire  na  entre  sans  s'eschouer  car  les  sables  y 
sont  si  durits  que  vous  estes  touciie  auant  que  la  fonde 
vous  en  aduertisse  Elle  est  habitee  de  Caribes  et 
Arouakas  les  Caribes  habitent  le  haut  de  la  riuiere  et 
les  autres  le  bas.  les  Espagnols  de  Saint  Omer  y  ont 
autrefois  en  commerce  mais  a  presant  ils  nozent  y 
aller  II  n'y  a  lieu  en  toute  la  coste  de  Gujane  ou  il  se 
trouve  plus  grande  quantite  d'Oreillan  que  la  n'y  qui 
soit  meilleur  il  y  a  aussi  forte  boys  de  lettre  mais  plus 
brun  qu'a  Maruyne  et  Soraname  il  y  a  abondance  de 
rafraichissemens  sur  tout  de  cassaue  et  fruits  J'y  aij 
veu  un  francois  qui  y  auoit  demeure  trois  ans  lequel  me 
monstra  une  piece  de  Christal  de  montagne  de  la 
grosseur  des  deux  poings  au  trauers  duquel  on  pouuoit 
voir  les  lineaments  de  la  face  d'un  homme  tant  il  estoit 
clair  il  me  diet  quil  lauoit  pris  au  dessus  du  second 
Wal  de  la  riuiere  ou  il  y  auoit  une  mine  de  Christal  de 
que  on  en  trouuoit  au  pied  de  la  montagne  ou  elle 
estoit  de  fort  grosses  pieces  que  la  rauine  des  eaux  auoit 

[  276  ] 


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Journal  of  a  Voyage  to  Guiana 


Description  of  the  River  Essequibo 
The  Essequibo  is  situated  over  70  N.  of  the  Line.  Essequibo 
This  river  is  very  wide  at  its  mouth  and  has  been  held 
to  exceed  even  ten  leagues.  The  Indians  maintain  that 
from  it  one  can  ascend  the  Orinoco  without  putting  out 
to  sea.  Its  estuary  is  split  into  several  channels,  be- 
tween which  are  large  islands.  The  channel  on  the 
West  side  runs  S.  W.  between  the  mainland  and  the 
islands;  then  bends  S.  for  a  space  of  five  leagues,  where 
it  divides  into  two  branches,  and  from  there  runs  S.  W. 
to  leagues,  where  it  splits  afresh.    It  is  dotted 

with  islands  and  sand-banks  and  even  rocks  higher  up. 
It  is  a  river  where  never  ship  has  entered  without  run- 
ning aground;  for  the  sand-banks  there  are  so  bristling 
with  sharp  points  that  you  graze  before  the  soundings 
warn  you.  It  is  inhabited  by  Caribs  and  Arouakas ;  the 
Caribs  live  on  the  upper  reaches,  the  others  lower 
down.  Spaniards  from  St.  Omer  formerly  traded  on  it, 
but  at  present  do  not  dare  to  go  there.  There  is  no 
place  on  the  whole  Guiana  coast  where  is  to  be  found  a 
greater  quantity  of  Oreillan  than  here,  nor  of  better 
quality.  There  is  also  much  letter-wood  but  much 
browner  than  at  Maruyni  and  Surinam.  There  is  also 
an  abundance  of  provisions,  especially  of  cassava  and 
of  fruits.  Here  I  met  a  Frenchman  who  had  lived  there- 
abouts for  three  years  and  who  showed  me  a  piece  of 
rock-crystal  the  size  of  your  two  fists,  so  clear  that  one 
could  see  the  features  of  a  man's  face  through  it.  He 
told  me  that  he  had  found  it  up  the  river  above  the 
second  cataract,  and  that  there  was  a  quarry  of  crystal 
there  and  that  at  the  foot  of  the  mountain  one  found 
large  fragments  which  the  mountain  torrent  had  dis- 

[  *77  ] 


Journal  d'un  Voyage  a  Guiane 

Eziquebe  arrachee  desquelles  on  pourroit  charger  infinis  canaux 
il  donna  unne  partie  de  la  pire  qu'il  auoit  a  Gelain  van 
Stabels  de  flisingues 

Pour  entrer  en  Eziquebe  de  Demelarj  il  faut  courir 
Nord  West  iusques  a  ce  que  vous  ayes  le  Cap  Ost  de 
lisle  qui  est  a  l'emboucheure  West  de  vous  afin  deuiter 
les  Sables  qui  sont  a  la  terre  ferme  et  de  la  vous  coures 
vers  la  dicte  isle  la  rengeant  d'asses  pres  iusques  a  ce 
qu'ayant  l'extremite  dicelle  a  lWest  de  vous  vous 
coures  vers  la  bande  de  lEst  passant  par  vn  canal 
entre  des  isles  sur  bon  fond  iusques  a  vn  cap  que  faict 
la  terre  ferme  de  ce  Cap  vous  renges  la  terre  ferme  de 
fort  pret  a  cause  des  Sables  iusques  a  ce  que  vous 
uenies  a  rencontrer  une  isle  proche  de  la  terre  ferme  du 
coste  de  l'Ost  lors  vous  coures  West  uers  l'autre  coste 
de  la  vous  renges  les  islettes  que  sont  a  la  bande  de 
West  iusques  a  vn  Cap  qui  est  au  dessus  une  petite 
riuiere  de  la  vous  renges  la  dite  coste  d  West  de  si  pres 
que  vous  pourroit  y  tirer  une  pierre  iusques  a  un  autre 
Cap  qui  est  uis  a  uis  de  la  premiere  branche  de  la 
riuiere  et  de  ce  Cap  vous  coures  vers  la  bande  de  lOst 
toujours  sur  bon  fond. 


Journal  of  a  Voyage  to  Guiana 


lodged  and  with   which    one    could    fill    numberless    Essequibo 
canoes.  He  gave  some  of  the  poorest  which  he  had  to 
Gelain  van  Stabels  of  Flushing. 

To  enter  the  Essequibo  from  Demerera  you  must 
run  North-West  until  you  have  the  cape  which  is  on 
the  East  of  the  island  in  the  estuary  on  your  West,  in 
order  to  avoid  the  sands  which  lie  along  the  mainland; 
and  from  there  you  run  for  the  said  island,  hugging  it 
as  near  as  possible,  until,  having  the  extremity  of  this 
[island]  on  your  West,  you  run  towards  the  strip  on  the 
East,  passing  through  a  channel  between  the  islands 
over  a  good  bottom,  as  far  as  a  Cape  which  the  land 
here  forms.  From  this  Cape  you  skirt  the  shore  very 
closely  because  of  the  sands  until  you  come  to  an 
island  near  the  land  on  the  East  shore,  then  you  run 
West  towards  the  other  side.  From  there  on  you  skirt 
the  small  islands  which  are  on  the  Westerly  shore  as 
far  as  a  Cape  which  is  above  a  little  river.  From  there 
you  follow  the  said  Westerly  coast  so  closely  that  you 
could  fire  a  stone  to  it,  until  you  reach  another  Cape 
which  is  opposite  the  first  branch  of  the  river;  and 
from  this  Cape  you  run  towards  the  West  shore, 
always  over  a  good  bottom. 


Appendix  and  Index 


Appendix 


GENEALOGICAL    NOTES 

THE  CHILDREN  OF 

JESSE  DE  FOREST  THE  WALLOON  (I,  i) 

AND  MARIE  DU  CLOUX 

Baptisms  at  Sedan  Baptisms  at  Leyden 

2  Marie,  July  7,  1602.  8  Jesse,  March  1,  1615. 

3  Jean,  July  22,  1604.  9  Isaac,  July  10,  1616. 

4  Henry,  March  7,  1606.  10  Israel,  Oct.  7,  1617. 

5  Elizabeth,  Nov.  i,  1607.  11  Philippe,  Sept.  13,  162a 

6  David,  Dec.  11,  1608. 

7  Rachel,  1609 


? 


I,  1.  Jesse  de  Forest  had  ten  children  and  prob- 
ably more,  for  the  church  records  between  1609  and 
161 5  have  not  been  found.  When  Jesse  planned  in 
1 62 1  to  emigrate  to  Virginia,  he  proposed  to  take  five 
children  with  him,  and  according  to  the  Leyden  poll 
tax  of  1622  we  know  that  the  children  then  at  home 
were  Jean,  Henry,  Rachel,  Isaac,  and  Jesse.  With  re- 
gard to  the  others  we  have  scant  information.  Of 
Marie,  Elizabeth,  Israel,  and  Philippe  we  know  noth- 
ing except  that  they  had  died  or  were  no  longer  living 
with  their  parents  in  1622. 

II,  3.  Jean  de  Forest,  b.  1604;  d.  1668? 
m.  1633,  Marie  Vermeulen. 

The  eldest  son  (usually  called  Jan  or  Johannes)  did 
not  emigrate  with  his  brothers  and  sister.  In  the  old 
city  archives  at  Leyden  is  to  be  seen  the  record  of  his 
marriage  on  March  9,  1633, to  Marie  Vermeulen  and  of 

[  283  ] 


Appendix 

their  residence  on  the  Haerlemerstraet.  Jan  was  some- 
times called  a  merchant  and  sometimes  a  dyer.  One 
of  the  few  mentions  of  him  is  his  claim  (for  himself  and 
his  minor  brother  Isaack)  to  a  certain  portion  of  his 
brother  Hendrick's  estate.  This  incident  has  already- 
been  related  in  the  foregoing  pages. 

A  certain  Jean  de  Forest,  presumably  the  son  of 
Jesse,  died  in  Leyden  on  April  6,  1668. 

II,  6.  David  de  Forest  (b.  1608)  also  remained  in 
Holland,  though  there  is  evidence  that  he  visited  New 
Amsterdam  later,  for  he  had  a  son  baptized  there  in 
1659.  He  could  hardly,  however,  have  remained  very 
long,  as  we  find  no  other  mention  of  him  and  only  a 
few  years  later,  in  1665,  he  is  in  Leyden  acting  as 
guardian  of  his  sister  Rachel  La  Montagne's  three 
grandchildren,  the  eldest  of  whom  was  the  little  Lys- 
bet,  who  with  her  mother,  Rachel  La  Montagne  Van 
Imbroech,  was  carried  into  captivity  by  the  Esopus 
Indians  in  1663. 

II,  7.  Rachel  de  Forest,  b.  1609?  d.  1643? 
m.  1626  Jean  Mousnier  de  La  Montagne. 

Rachel  had  six  children.  Jolant,  born  1627,  died 
young.  Jesse,  born  1629,  died  soon  after  1647.  Jean 
(John),  born  1632,  died  1672;  m.  1654  Peternella 
Pikes;  was  one  of  the  first  to  take  up  land  in  the  pro- 
posed village  of  Nieuw  Haerlem,  near  his  father's 
original  bouwery.  Rachel,  born  1634,  died  1664;  m. 
Dr.  Gysbert  Van  Imbroech.  Maria,  born  1637,  m. 
Jacob  Kip.  William,  born  1641,  was  still  living  in 
1695;  m.  1673  Elenora  de  Hooges. 

By  La  Montagne's  second  marriage  with  Angenetie 

[  284  ] 


Genealogical  Notes 


Corssen  he  had  two  sons,  Gilles,  born  1650,  and  Jesse, 
born  1653,  who  both  died  young. 

II,  8.  Jesse  de  Forest  (  161 5-1639  ?)  left  Leyden 
in  1629  with  church  letters  for  some  place  the  name  of 
which  is  illegible  but  which  might  have  been  Tobago, 
where  his  sister  Rachel  then  was  with  her  husband. 
Jesse  was  married  in  1634  in  Leyden  but  was  evidently 
no  longer  living  in  1639. 

The  story  of  Jesse  de  Forest's  three  children,  Hen- 
drick,  Rachel,  and  Isaack,  has  been  told  more  fully  in 
other  parts  of  this  book. 

THE  CHILDREN  OF 

ISAACK  DE  FOREST  OF  NEW  AMSTERDAM  (II,  9) 

AND  SARA  DU  TRIEUX 

12  Jessen,  1642-d.  y.  19  Philip,  1652-1727. 

13  Susannah,  1645-.  20  Isaac,  1655-1700  ? 

14  Gerrit,  1646-d.  y.  21  Hendrick,  1657-1715. 

15  Gerrit,  1647-  22  David,  1660-d.  y. 

16  Marie,  1649     >-d.  y.  23  David,  1663-d.y. 

17  Michiel,  1649  3  (twins)  24  Maria,  1666-. 

18  Jan,  1650-.  25  David,  1669-1721. 

The  names  of  the  fourteen  children  of  Isaack  and 
Sara  and  their  baptismal  dates  are  taken  from  the 
books  of  the  Old  Reformed  Dutch  Church  in  New 
York.  In  this  record  we  see  the  names  of  many  well- 
known  men  who  acted  as  witnesses  (sponsors)  —  such 
names  as  Jochem  Pietersen  Kuyter,  Jan  de  Minuict, 
Jean  de  la  Montagne,  Philippe  du  Trieux,  Gerrit  de 
Forest,  Hendrick  Van  Dyck  (the  Fiscal),  Gysbert  Van 
Imbroech,WillemBeeckman,  Jacob  Kip,  and  Johannes 
Verveelen.   It  is  worth  noting  that  two  of  the  babies 

[  285  ] 


Appendix 


were  named  Gerrit  and  that  at  the  baptism  of  each 
one  a  Gerrit  de  Forest  was  a  witness,  giving  rise  to  the 
surmise  that  Isaack's  uncle,  Gerard,  visited  New  Am- 
sterdam in  1646  and  1647. 

An  account  of  the  seven  children  who  survived  Isaack 
and  Sara  follows. 

Ill,  13.  Susannah  de  Forest,  bp.  Jan.  22,  1645. 

m.  1665  to  Peter  De  Riemer,  the  glazier. 
They  lived  from  1686  to  1697  on  the  corner  of  White- 
hall and  Bridge  Streets. 

Ill,  18.  John  de  Forest,  bp.  March  27,  1650. 
m.  June  8,  1673,  Susannah,  daughter  of  Nicholas 
Verlet  of  Amsterdam,  who  had  become  one  of 
the  burghers  in  New  Amsterdam. 

John  was  educated  as  a  "chirurgeon"  or  surgeon. 
In  1670  we  find  him  "entertained  as  Cuirugion"  on 
board  the  ship  The  Good  Fame  of  New  York,  bound 
for  England  and  Holland.  At  this  time  he  was  given  a 
document  which  is  endorsed,  "Certificate  of  Deniza- 
tion from  Gov.  Lovelace  to  John  Deforeest."  1  This 
certificate  asserted  that  "Whereas  John  Deforeest  the 
sonn  of  Isack  Deforeest  an  Inhabitant  of  this  Citty 
was  here  att  the  sun-end'  thereof,"  and  was  a  "free 
Denizen  of  this  Colony,"  he  was  entitled  to  hold  land 
in  any  of  his  Majesty's  dominions  and  also  to  trade  or 
traffic  therein. 

On  November  30,  1680  (or  1681),  John  purchased 
eight  acres  of  land  on  Hoorn's  Hook,  which  he  sold 
later.  On  February  20, 1682,  he  bought  a  house  and 
lot  on  Beaver  Street,  New  York. 

1  A  contemporary  copy  is  to  be  seen  in  the  archives  of  the  New  York 
Historical  Society. 

[    286    ] 


Genealogical  Notes 


He  was  still  living  in  New  York  on  October  4,  1687. 

Children 

26  Susannah,  b.  1676. 

m.  1703  Robert  Hickman. 

John's  only  child  that  reached  maturity. 

Ill,  19.  Philip  de  Forest,  bp.  Jan.  28, 1652;  d.  Aug., 
1727. 

m.  Jan.  5,  1676,  Tryntie,  daughter  of  Hendrick 

Kip  of  New  York. 

Philip,  as  well  as  the  rest  of  Isaack's  sons,  learned  a 

trade,  becoming  a  cooper.   He  moved  to  Albany  about 

1680,  where  he  served  as  high  sheriff  and  held  other 

important  offices. 

In  1727  he  died  and  was  buried  in  Albany. 
Philip  was  the  ancestor  of  the  Albany  de  Forests, 
the  name,  however,  usually  becoming  corrupted  in  that 
locality  to  Defreest. 

Children 

27  Sara,  bp.  Jan.  2,  1678,  New  York. 

28  Susanna,  bp.  April  1,  1684,  Albany. 

29  Metje,  bp.  July  25,  1686. 

30  Isaac,  bp.  Feb.  20,  1689. 

31  Jesse,  bp.  Jan.  13,  1692. 

32  Catrina,  bp.  Nov.  25,  1694. 

33  Johannes,  bp.  Sept.  12,  1697. 

34  David,1  bp.  Sept.  8,  1700. 

m.  Nov.  8,  1 71 8,  Abigail  Van  Aalsteyn.  4  sons,  4  daughters. 

35  Abraham,  bp.  Feb.  21,  1703. 

1  The  old  family  Bible  of  Philip  de  Forest  (1720-1791),  son  of  David  (b. 
1700)  and  great-grandson  of  the  original  Isaack,  is  in  the  possession  of  the 
writer.  It  is  a  Dutch  Bible,  printed  in  Dordrecht,  Holland,  in  1741,  and 
contains  many  illustrations  and  interesting  maps.  Its  binding  is  of  red  leath- 
er with  very  handsome  brass  corners  and  brass  clasps,  and  it  measures  about 
nine  by  fourteen  inches.  All  the  inscriptions  are  in  Dutch  and  it  is  notice- 
able that  while  Philip  recorded  his  own  birth  as  "Phillip  De  Foreest,"  a 
later  inscription  in  a  different  handwriting  tells  us  that  "Phillip  De  Freest" 
in  1791  "fell  asleep  in  the  Lord." 

[287] 


Appendix 

III,  20.  Isaac  de  Forest  (Jr.),  bp.  April  25,  1655; 
d.  about  1700. 

m.  Sept.  4,  168 1,  Lysbeth,  daughter  of  Lawrence 
Van  der  Spiegel. 
Isaac  was  the  only  one  of  Isaack's  sons  who  re- 
mained in  New  York,  and  he  became  a  baker  by  trade. 
He  held  the  office  of  deacon  in  the  Dutch  Church  in 
1690  and  in  1696;  he  was  also  appointed  Overseer  of 
Public  Works  in  1699.  In  1686  he  was  still  living  in 
Brouwer  Straet,  next  door  to  his  widowed  mother.  He 
died  about  1700. 

Children 

36  Johannes,  b.  1684;  d.  July  30,  1757,  in  New  York. 

m.  June  23,  1705,  Catherine  Van  Ravenstein.  5  sons,  2  daugh- 
ters. 

37  Sarah,  1686-. 
m.  John  Myer. 

38  Margaret,  1689-. 
m.  Harman  Rutgers. 

39  Maria,  1694-. 

40  Elizabeth,  1697-. 

m.  Rev.  Antonius  Curtenius. 

Ill,  21.  Henricus  de  Forest,  bp.  Sept.  9,  1657;  d. 

I7I5- 

m.  July  5,  1682,  Fiammettia  (Phcebe),  daughter 
of  Barent  Van  Flaesbeek. 

Henricus  was  a  glazier.  "When  the  Town  House  at 
Harlem  was  being  built  in  1680,  Henricus  de  Forest  of 
New  York  did  the  glazing  of  the  windows,  the  allow- 
ance for  a  day's  labor  being  5  guilders  ($2)."  * 

In  1686  he  lived  in  Beaver  Street,  the  third  house 
from  Broad  Street,  two  doors  from  the  house  of  his 
brother  John.  Later  he  settled  at  Bushwick,  Long 
Island,  probably  on  the  land  which  his  father  had  used 

1  Riker,  James.    History  of  Harlem,  Revised  Edition,  p.  370. 

[     288    ] 


Genealogical  Notes 


as  a  hop-garden  and  orchard.  There  he  became  justice 
of  the  peace  and  held  several  other  offices. 

In  1705  he  removed  to  Madman's  Neck,  Hempstead, 
where  he  had  bought  land,  and  became  the  founder 
of  the  Long  Island  branch. 

He  died  in  171 5.  His  will  is  on  file  in  the  Surrogate's 
office  in  New  York.   In  it  he  calls  himself  a  "yoeman." 

Children 

41  Barent  (or  Barnet),  1684-1726? 

m.  1708,  Catalina'Sarley;  m.  2nd,  1723,  Elizabeth  Verduyn. 
2  sons,  3  daughters. 

42  Sarah,  1686-. 

43  Gerrit,  1 689-1 744. 

m.  1 716,  Cornelia  Waldron.    2  sons,  2  daughters. 

44  Henricus,  1691-. 
Apparently  a  sea  captain. 

45  Susannah,  1693-. 
m.  Abraham  Koning. 

46  Phcebe,  1695-. 
m.  Henry  Cole. 

47  Maria,  1696-. 

48  Jesse,  1698-1755. 

,         m.  June  14,  1719,  Teuntie  Titsoort.   2  sons,  1  daughter. 

Ill,  24.  Maria  de  Forest,  bp.  July  7,  1666. 

m.  1687,  Bernard   Darby  of   London,  mariner; 
m.  2nd,  1706,  Alderman  Isaac  De  Riemer,  son 
of    her  sister   Susannah's   husband,  Peter  De 
Riemer. 

Ill,  25.  David  de  Forest,  bp.  Sept.  7,  1669;  d.  April 
20,  1721. 

m.  1696?  Martha  Blagge. 
David,  Isaack  de  Forest's  youngest  child,  became 
the  ancestor  of  the  Connecticut  branch  of  the  de  For- 
ests, and  a  full  account  of  him  has  already  been  given 
in  this  book.  For  the  records  of  his  children  (IV,  49- 
58),  see  pp.  290-97. 

[  289  ] 


Appendix 


THE   CHILDREN   OF 

DAVID   DE   FOREST   OF   STRATFORD    (III,   25) 

AND  MARTHA  BLAGGE 

49  Mary,  1696/7-.  54  Isaac,  1706-. 

50  Sarah,  1698-1765.  55  Edward,  1708-after  1758. 

51  Martha,  1700-1764.  56  Henry,  1710-about  1777. 

52  David,  1702-1748.  57  Elizabeth,  1714-1739. 

53  Samuel,  1704-1777.  58  Benjamin,  1716-1780. 

IV,  49.  Mary  de  Forest,  b.  Jan:  27,  1696/7. 
m.  July  21,  1720,  Stephen  Hawley,  b.  1695,  son 
of  Samuel  and  Mary  (Thompson)  Hawley,  and 
a  member  of  one  of  the  most  notable  families 
of  Stratford. 

Children 

59  Martha,  b.  May  16,  1721;  d.  y. 

60  Hezekiah,  bp.  June,  1722. 

61  Nehemiah,  bp.  June,  1722. 
m.  Phebe  Peet. 

62  Martha,  bp.  May,  1724. 

IV,  50.  Sarah  de  Forest,  b.  Nov.  9,  1698;  d.  June 
8,  1765. 

m.  Dec.  24,  1719,  Benjamin  Lewis,  b.  1696,  d. 
July  7,  1759. 
Benjamin  Lewis  was  the  son  of  Benjamin  Lewis, 
who  came  to  Stratford  about  1676  or  1677  and  married 
Hannah  Curtis.  Squire  Samuel  Lewis,  son  of  Benjamin 
and  Sarah,  moved  to  New  Stratford  in  1755,  preceding 
his  cousin  Nehemiah  de  Forest,  by  over  twenty  years. 

Children 

63  William, 

4  daughters. 
64.  Nehemiah, 
I  child. 

[    290    ] 


Genealogical  Notes 


65  Hepzibah,  bp.  June,  1724. 
m.  1743,  Daniel  Fairchild. 

66  Benjamin,  b.  Sept.,  1729. 

m.  Elizabeth .   3  sons,  3  daughters. 

67  Samuel,  b.  June  23,  173 1;  d.  1808. 

m.  Feb.  3,  1753,  Eunice  Patterson.   4  sons,  I  daughter. 

68  Isaac,  b.  Sept.,  1734. 
m.  4  times.   6  sons. 

IV,  51.  Martha  de  Forest,  b.  April  13,  1700;  d. 
Aug.  5,  1764. 
m.  Dec.  8,  1726,  Elnathan  Wheeler. 

"Deacon  Elnathan  Wheeler,"  of  Stratford,  son  of 
Moses,  3rd,  and  Ruth  (Bouton)  Wheeler,  was  a  great- 
grandson  of  the  first  Moses  Wheeler,  the  Stratford 
ferryman,  and  a  descendant  also  of  Sergeant  Francis 
Nichols.  Elnathan  died  March  14,  1761,  and  left  an 
estate  which  was  appraised  at  £1,619. 

Nathan  Wheeler,  whose  daughter,  Mehetabel,  mar- 
ried Lockwood  de  Forest,  in  1793,  was  the  grandson 
of  Deacon  Elnathan. 

Children 

69  Ruth,  b.  Nov.  27,  1727. 

70  Martha,  b.  Nov.  1,  1729. 

71  Sarah,  b.  Nov.  1,  1731. 

72  Nathaniel,  b.  Dec.  7,  1733. 

73  Elizabeth,  b.  Jan.  7,  1735/6. 
m.  Mar.,  1758,  Phineas  Sherman. 

74  Mary,  b.  Jan.  7,  1737/8. 
m.  Oct.,  1758,  George  Lewis. 

75  Elnathan,  b.  May  20,  1740;  d.  Feb.  14,  1809. 

76  Eunice,  b.  Dec.  17,  1743. 

IV,  52.  David  de  Forest  of  Wilton,  1st,  b.  April 
24,  1702;  d.  1748. 

m.    before    1726   Abigail,    daughter   of  Ephraim 
Clark  of  Stratford. 
Before   1747  he  had  apparently  married  a  second 
wife,  Rebecca . 

[  29i   ] 


Appendix 


After  his  father's  death  in  172 1  he  inherited  the  fam- 
ily homestead  in  Stratford.  In  1728  he  was  chosen  one 
of  the  three  tithing-men  in  Stratford.  In  1737  he  sold 
his  father's  old  house  and  the  house  lot  to  his  father- 
in-law,  Ephraim  Clark,  and  then  moved  to  Wilton 
Parish,  Norwalk. 

In  1748  "David  of  Wilton"  died,  aged  46,  and  left 
an  estate  of  about  £4,000. 

Children 

77  Hezekiah,  bp.  Dec,  1726. 

m.  Mar.  2,  1748,  Rebecca  Raymond.  2  sons  and  4  daughters. 
Served  in  the  French  and  Indian  War. 

78  Lemuel,  bp.  Aug.,  1728. 

m.  Dec.  26,  1 75 1,  Phebe  Keeler,  daughter  of  David  and  Mary 
(St.  John)  Keeler.    3  children. 

79  Abigail,  b.  April  24,  1731;  d.  May  8,  1786. 

m.  Nov.  9,  1774,  James  Lockwood  of  Norwalk  (2nd  wife). 
3  sons. 

80  David,  bp.  July  1,  1733;  d.  1790? 

m.  Aug.  5,  1754,  Sarah  Olmstead.    5  sons. 

81  Elihu,  b.  Nov.,  1739;  d.  1827. 

m.  May  4,  1761,  Rachel  Lambert,  daughter  of  David  and  Lu- 
rania  (Bills)  Lambert.  Resided  at  Ridgefield.  6  children. 
Served  in  both  French  and  Indian  and  Revolutionary  Wars. 

82  Martha,  bp.  June  1,  1739,  in  Wilton. 

83  Ephraim,  b.  1740;  d.  1827. 

m.  Sarah  Betts  about  1764.   6  children. 

He  fought  in  the  French  and  Indian  War. 

At  the  time  of  the  Revolutionary  War  his  land  was  confiscated 

by  regular  court  proceedings  because  he  was  a  Loyalist.1 

84  Samuel,  bp.  in  Wilton,  May  3,  1746;  d.  1795. 
m.  1767,  Eleanor  Sterling. 

Served  in  Revolutionary  War  from  1775  until  the  army  was 
disbanded  in  1783 ;  was  a  lieutenant  and  an  original  member 
of  the  order  of  the  Cincinnati. 

IV,  53.  Samuel  de  Forest  of  Moose  Hill,  b.  April 

4,  1704;  d.  Mar.  24,  1777. 

m.  Dec.  30,  1725,  Abigail  Peat,  b.  1706,  d.  Sep- 
tember 21,  1776,  daughter  of  Samuel  and  Abi- 
gail (Harvey)  Peat. 

1  Todd,  C.  B.  History  of  Redding,  p.  JJ. 
[    292    ] 


Genealogical  Notes 


A  full  account  of  Samuel  and  Abigail  de  Forest  has 
already  been  given.  For  the  records  of  his  children 
(V,  85-93)  see  pp.  297-301. 

IV,  54.  Isaac  de  Forest  of  Newtown  and  New  Mil- 
ford,  b.  Dec.  14,  1706. 

m.  Aug.  17,  1732,  Elizabeth,  daughter  of  Captain 
Stephen  Noble. 

In  several  records  it  is  stated  that  this  Isaac  died 
leaving  no  sons,  but  on  examining  the  evidence  it  seems 
more  likely  that  he  simply  moved  to  Newtown  and 
was  lost  sight  of.  At  any  rate,  there  was  an  Isaac  de 
Forest  "of  Newtown"  who  moved  to  New  Milford  in 
1727  and  it  does  not  seem  possible  that  this  could  have 
been  other  than  Isaac,  son  of  David  of  Stratford.  There 
was  apparently  no  other  Isaac  de  Forest  who  could 
have  been  in  Connecticut  at  that  period,  nor  was 
there  one  of  the  proper  age  except  Isaac,  born  1706, 
son  of  David  of  Stratford.  The  facts  from  which  a  de- 
duction may  be  drawn  are  as  follows :  — 

On  April  20,  1721,  David  de  Forest  of  Stratford  died. 

On  May  21,  1724,  the  appraisal  of  David's  estate 
was  made,  and  Isaac,  then  eighteen  years  old,  chose 
his  mother  as  his  guardian. 

On  April  10,  1725,  the  estate  was  distributed. 

On  April  21,  1727,  Isaac  sold  land  "near  ye  Field 
Gate"  (part  of  his  inheritance  from  his  father)  to  his 
brother  Samuel.  It  is  probable  that  he  was  already 
living  in  Newtown  at  this  time. 

On  October  25,  1727,  Isaac  "of  Newtown"  bought 
of  Zachariah  Ferriss  41  acres  of  land  in  New  Milford 
and  settled  there  soon  afterward.1 


1  Orcutt,  Rev.  Samuel.    History  of  New  Milford. 

[  293  ] 


Appendix 

On  August  17,  1732,  he  married  Elizabeth,  daughter 
of  Capt.  Stephen  Noble  of  New  Milford. 

Children 

94  Isaac,  son  of  Isaac  and  Elizabeth,  bp.  June  16,  1734;  d.  at 
Florida,  N.Y. 

m.  Jan.  11,  1763,  Rachel  Bostwick. 

Served  in  French  and  Indian  War,  1757-58  as  a  private. 
Served  in  Revolutionary  War,  1776,  as  First  Lieutenant. 
His  commission  and  leather  wallet,  in  which  a  bullet  lodged, 
are  in  the  possession  of  some  of  his  descendants.1 
Benjamin,  the  son  of  Isaac  and  Rachel,  was  born  in  1764  and 
married  Clarissa  Canfield  in  1788.   They  had  1  son,  Isaac,  and  2 
daughters. 

IV,  55.  Edward  de  Forest  of  Stratford,  b.  July  25, 
1708;  d.  after  1758. 

m.  June,  1733,  Eunice,  daughter  of  Samuel  Uffoot 

(Ufford). 

Edward  was  the  only  son  of  David  de  Forest  and 

Martha  Blagge  who  continued  to  live   in    Stratford. 

He  died  about  1758  and  his  estate,  though  not  footed 

up,  was  clearly  of  considerable  value. 

Children 

95  Zeruiah  (Zerua),  b.  June  20,  1734;  d.  1754. 

96  Isaac,  b.  July  8,  1736. 
1  son. 

Served  in  French  and  Indian  War. 

97  Elisha,  bp.  July,  1738;  d.  1804. 

m.  Oct.  28,  1767,  Sarah,  daughter  of  Richard  Hubbell.  3  sons, 

5  daughters. 
Served  in  both  French  and  Indian  and  Revolutionary  Wars. 

98  Eunice,  b.  Sept.  2,  1739. 

99  Martha,  b.  Nov.  22,  1741. 

100  Edward,  b.  Mar.  2,  1743. 

101  John,  b.  Aug.  20,  1745. 

m.  Abigail  Walker  of  Woodbury.  Settled  in  Woodbury.  5  sons, 
3  daughters. 

102  Sarah,  b.  Feb.  2,  1748. 

1  See  Book  of  Lineages,  Daughters  of  American  Revolution,  Washington, 
D.C. 

[  294  ] 


Genealogical  Notes 


103  Ann,  b.  Jan.  28,  1750. 
m.  Thomas  Curtis. 

104  William,  b.  June  17,  1752. 
Served  in  Revolutionary  War. 

105  Mary,  b.  Mar.  9,  1755. 

106  Joseph,  b.  1758. 

m.  Mar.  31,  1779,  Anne  Lamson.   4  sons,  4  daughters. 
Served  in  Revolutionary  War. 


IV,  56.  Henry  de  Forest  of  Moose  Hill,  b.  July 
4,  1710;  d.  between  1773  and  1777. 

m.  1746,  Martha . 

May  28,  1728,  he  chose  for  his  guardian  his  cousin, 
Samuel  Blagge,  who  gave  bonds  in  £100. 

He  moved  to  Moose  Hill  after  his  marriage  and 
died  in  his  home  there  at  some  date  between  1773 
and   1777. 

Children 

107  Huldah,  b.  Sept.  14,  1747- 

108  Henry,  b.  Mar.  15,  1750. 
Served  in  Revolutionary  War. 

109  Timothy,  b.  Dec.  8,  1751. 
Served  in  Revolutionary  War. 

no  Daniel,  b.  April  15,  1755. 

IV,  57.  Elizabeth  de  Forest,  b.  June  4,  1714;  d. 
Oct.  3,  1739. 
m.  Feb.  20,  1734,  Josiah  Marvin  of  Norwalk. 

Josiah  Marvin,  b.  about  1710  in  Norwalk  and  d. 
about  1780,  was  the  son  of  Lieut.  Samuel  and  Hannah 
(Piatt)  Marvin.  He  was  a  prominent  citizen  of  Nor- 
walk and  held  many  important  public  offices.  He  left 
an  estate  of  £831  in  land  besides  many  valuable 
chattels. 

The  tombstone  of  Elizabeth  de  Forest  Marvin  is 
still  standing  in  the  Sharps  Hill  burying-ground. 

[    295    ] 


Appendix 


Children 

born  in  Norwalk  of  Elizabeth  de  Forest,  Josiah  Marvin's  first 
wife. 
in  Daniel,  b.  1736? 

112  Jared,  b.  1737? 

113  Josiah,  b.  1739?;  d.  in  the  British  army  on  Long  Island  dur- 

ing the  Revolutionary  War. 

IV,  58.  Benjamin  de  Forest  of  Ripton,  b.  May  18, 
1716;  d.  April  17,  1780. 
m.  April  18,  1744,  Esther  Beardsley,  d.  1763. 

Benjamin  of  Ripton  was  the  youngest  child  of  David 
of  Stratford;  his  father  died  when  he  was  only  five 
years  old  and  he  remained  with  his  mother  and  her  sec- 
ond husband  for  twelve  years.  Then,  being  still  under 
age,  he  chose  as  his  guardian  his  brother  David. 

On  April  18,  1744,  he  married  Esther,  daughter  of 
Abraham  Beardsley  of  Stratford.  This  is  to  be  found 
in  the  record  of  "mrGold  y*  married  m  "  —  the  first 
record  that  we  find  of  a  de  Forest  being  married  by  a 
minister. 

In  1746  we  find  Benjamin  established  as  a  farmer 
in  Ripton  Parish.  He  was  much  occupied  with  public 
affairs,  church  matters,  and  school  committees. 

In  1763  his  wife  "Easter,"  as  she  was  often  called, 
died;  he  then  married  for  a  second  wife  Sarah . 

Both  he  and  Sarah  died  in  1780,  in  their  sixty-fourth 
year,  and  lie  buried  in  the  Ripton  graveyard. 

Children 

114  Hezekiah,  b.  Dec.  14,  1745;  d.  1808,  at  Ripton. 
m.  Mary  Adams.    4  sons,  2  daughters. 

115  Nehemiah,  b.  April  1,  1748. 

m.  Rebecca  Blakeman.    1  son,  2  daughters. 
Served  in  the  Revolutionary  War. 

116  Benjamin,  b.  Dec.  28,  1749;  d.  Aug.  1,  1784,  at  Ripton. 

m.  1773,  Mehitable,  daughter  of  Hezekiah  Curtis.     5  sons, 
I  daughter. 

[  296  ] 


Genealogical  Notes 


He  was  especially  active  on  committees  during  the  Revolu- 
tionary War.1 

117  Catherine  ("Cate"),  b.  Mar.  18,  1753. 
m.  Samuel  Mallett. 

118  Esther,  b.  May  29,  1755. 

m.  Samuel  Thompson  and  removed  to  Litchfield. 

119  Isaac  (Mier?),  b.  Dec.  16,  1758;  d.  Jan.  24,  1813,  at  Livonia, 
m.  Mary  (Polly)  Gregory;  settled  in  Livonia,  Livingston  Co., 
N.Y.   4  sons,  2  daughters. 

120  Othniel,  b.  April  10,  1761;  d.  Feb.  18,  1811. 

m.  July  18,  1784,  Hannah,  daughter  of  Capt.  Beach  Tomlin- 

son  of  Ripton.    3  sons,  2  daughters. 
He  was  for  a  number  of  years  clerk  of  the  church  in  Ripton. 


THE  CHILDREN  OF 

SAMUEL  DE  FOREST  OF  MOOSE  HILL  (IV,  53) 

AND  ABIGAIL  PEAT 

85  Martha,  1726-.  90  Samuel,  1739-  before  1770. 

86  Mary,  1729-1817.  91  Nehemiah,  1743-1801. 

87  Joseph,  1731-1777?  92  David,  1745-1783. 

88  Hepzibah,  1734-183 1.  93  Josiah,  1748-1749. 

89  Elizabeth,  173 7-. 

V,  86.  Mary  de  Forest,  bp.  Feb.  3,  1729;  d.  Mar. 
31,  1817. 

m.  Oct.,  1750,  Elisha  Mills,  b.  Mar.  26,  1732,  d. 
April  7,  1 8 16,  son  of  Rev.  Jedediah  and  Abi- 
gail (Treat)  Mills. 
He  was  a  merchant    in   Ripton   (afterward  called 
Huntington)  for  many  years,  a  very  honored  and  re- 
spected  citizen   during  the  Revolutionary  War  and 
afterward.    He  was  a  delegate  from  Stratford  with 

1  David  C.  de  Forest,  eldest  son  of  Benjamin  and  Mehitable,  was  the 
"Don  DeForest"  whose  memory  is  still  kept  alive  in  New  Haven.  As  a 
young  man  he  went  to  South  America  and  there  amassed  a  very  large  for- 
tune. He  afterward  settled  in  New  Haven  and  was  the  donor  to  Yale  Col- 
lege of  the  "De  Forest  prize,"  a  medal  given  annually  for  superiority  in 
English  composition  and  declamation.  This  is  still  the  most  coveted  prize 
in  the  gift  of  Yale. 


[  297  ] 


Appendix 

William  Samuel  Johnson  at  the  time  of  the  ratifica- 
tion of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States.  He  was 
elected  to  this  position  because  he  was  in  favor  of 
the  Constitution  against  a  large  opposition.  He  was 
several  times  sent  as  the  Huntington  representative 
to  the  General  Assembly. 

Elisha  died  in  Huntington  in  1816,  in  his  eighty-fifth 
year.    Mary  died  in  18 17,  in  her  eighty-ninth  year. 

Children 

121  Annie,  b.  Dec.  31,  1751 ;  d.  Dec.  29,  1831. 
m.  1767,  Agur  Judson,  d.  1837. 

122  Mary,  b.  Nov.  28,  1753;  d.  1784. 
m.  1776,  Elias  Beers. 

123  Hepsa,  b.  Sept.  2,  1755;  d.  1803. 

m.  1777,  Rev.  David  Ely  of  Huntington. 

124  Aurelia,  b.  Dec.  14,  1757. 
m.  1784,  Joseph  Darling. 

125  Abigail  Elizabeth,  b.  May  26,  1760. 
m.  1783,  Isaac  Plummer. 

126  Sarah  Apama,  b.  Oct.  19,  1762;  d.  Dec.  14,  1842. 

m.  1783,  Rev.  Zebulon  Ely,  who  was  pastor  at  Lebanon  during 
42  years. 

127  Elisha  Treat,  b.  Jan.  14,  1765;  d.  Aug.  10,  1826. 
m.  Catherine  Lewis,  d.  i860. 

He  was  a  graduate  of  Yale.   Removed  later  to  Fairfield. 

128  Isaac,  b.  Mar.  7,  1767. 
m.  Abby  Phelps. 

He  was  a  graduate  of  Yale. 

129  Samuel  Peat,  b.  Mar.  12,  1769. 
m.  Sally  Tomlinson. 

He  was  a  graduate  of  Yale. 

130  William,  b.  Mar.  8,  1771;  d.  Dec.  10,  1773. 

V,  87.  Joseph  de  Forest,  b.  Nov.  17,  173 1,  in  Strat- 
ford; died  at  about  the  same  time  as  his  father 

(1777)- 

m.  Aug.    18,   1757,  Susannah  Mills  of  Windsor, 

Conn. 

They  lived  in  Stratford  during  their  early  married 

life  but  came  later  to  the  hill  country. 

[  298] 


Genealogical  Notes 


Joseph  received  from  his  father  as  part  of  his  por- 
tion 15  acres  of  the  family  homestead  at  Moose  Hill 
and  built  his  own  home  upon  this  land.  He  died  at 
Moose  Hill  about  1777,  aged  about  46  years. 

Children 

131  Samuel,  b.  July  15,  1758;  d.  Feb.  15,  1837. 

m.  1781,  Mary  Curtis,  d.  Oct.  18,  1840.   3  sons,  2  daughters. 
Lived  later  at  Ballston,  N.Y. 
Served  in  the  Revolutionary  War. 

132  Abel,  b.  April  28,  1761;  d.  at  Binghamton,  N.Y. 

m.  Nov.  25,  1787,  Mary  (Polly),  b.  Aug.  2,  1764,  daughter  of 

Nathaniel  Hawley  of  Stratford. 
Lived  later  at  Edmeston,  Otsego  Co.,  N.Y.  4  sons,  3  daughters. 
Served  in  the  Revolutionary  War. 

133  Mills,  b.  May  24,  1763. 

Removed  to  Orange  Co.,  Vermont;  lived  later  at  Lemmington, 

Vermont. 
Served  in  the  Revolutionary  War. 

134  Gideon,  b.  Sept.  14,  1765;  Dec.  9,  1840. 

m.  Nov.  5,  1793,  Hannah  Birdseye,  b.  May  29,  1773. 
Settled   in  1795   at   Edmeston,  Otsego  Co.,  N.Y.    5   sons,  3 

daughters. 
Served  in  the  Revolutionary  War. 

135  Sally,  b.  Oct.  3,  1767. 

136  Elihu,  b.  Feb.  6,  1771;  died  young. 

Joseph's  four  sons,  Samuel,  Abel,  Mills,  and  Gideon,  as  one  of 
them  said,  were  "all  born  under  the  same  roof  in  Stratford."  They 
served  in  the  Revolutionary  War  and  were  known  as  "The  Four 
Revolutionary  Brothers."  Samuel,  Abel,  and  Mills  returned  after 
the  war  to  Ripton  township  and  were  still  living  there  in  1790. 
Later  they  removed  as  shown  above. 

V,  88.    Hepzibah  de  Forest,  bp.  at  Stratford  May 
29,  1734;  d.  Jan.  13,  1831. 

m.  1757,  Milton  Hawley,  b.  Sept.  12,  1734,  d.  Jan. 
10,  18 19,  son  of  Capt.  Francis  and  Ann  (Clark) 
Hawley. 
Their  house  on  Barn  Hill,  built  at  about  the  time 
of  their  wedding,  is  still  standing. 

Milton  Hawley  died  in  18 19,  aged  85.    Hepzibah, 
"Aunt  Hepsy,"  died  in  183 1,  aged  97. 

[    299   ] 


Appendix 


Children 

137  Philena,  b.  Aug.,  1758;  d.  Mar.  15,  1786. 

m.  William  Scott  of  New  Stratford,  d.  Jan.  1,  1824. 

138  Cyrus  (Capt.). 

m.  Mary,  daughter  of  Elijah  Curtiss. 

(Children:  Jane,  who  married  Linson  de  Forest;  Charles  Haw- 
ley,  Lieut-Gov.  of  Conn.) 

139  Hepzibah,  b.  1762;  d.  unmarried,  May  28,  1842,  aged  80. 

140  Charity,  b.  1764. 

m.  William  Carpenter. 

141  Francis. 

m.  Betsey  Ransom. 

142  Elisha,  b.  1769. 
m.  Nancy  Blakman. 

143  Nancy,  "died  early." 

V,  91.  Nehemiah  de  Forest  of  New  Stratford,  b. 
Jan.  24,  1743;  d.  Dec.  9,  1801. 
m.  1st,   Dec.  20,  1769,  Mary,  b.  Aug.  31,  1745, 
d.  Oct.  17,  1790,  daughter  of  Deacon  Peter  and 
Abigail   (Hawley)   Lockwood  of  Norwalk;  m. 
2nd,  Aug.  28,  1793,  Eleanor  Hickock  of  South- 
bury,  d.  May  5,  1825. 
A  full  account  of  Nehemiah  has  already  been  given. 
For  the  records  of  his  children  (VI,  144-52),  see  pp. 
301-06. 

V,  92.  David  de  Forest,  b.  July  9,  1745;  d.  June 

2,  1783- 

m.  Hannah  Lum. 

David  settled  in  Derby.  He  was  very  active  there 
during  the  Revolutionary  War,  serving  on  committees 
for  the  care  of  the  families  of  soldiers  during  their 
absence,  and  on  other  committees  "to  invite  and  aid 
persons  in  making  and  forwarding"  clothing  for  the 
soldiers  themselves. 

He  was  repeatedly  a  representative  from  Derby  at 
the  General  Assembly. 

[  3°°  ] 


Genealogical  Notes 


He  died  in  1783,  aged  thirty-eight,  and  his  grave- 
stone at  "Up  Town"  tells  of  "Mr.  David  De  Forest 
who  as  a  son  husband  parent  and  member  of  society 
merited  unreserved  love  and  esteem.  "  All  of  David's 
children  eventually  left  Derby. 

Children 

153  Richard,  b.  Jan.  7,  1768;  d.  July  10,  1776. 

154  David  Lum. 
Settled  on  Long  Island. 

155  Isaac. 

Removed  to  Hudson  and  died  there,  leaving  two  daughters. 

156  Samuel  Hervey. 

Moved  to  Dover  Plains,  N.Y. 

157  Joseph. 

m.  Leah  Marks.   4  children. 

Moved  to  Washington,  Dutchess  Co.,  N.Y. 

158  Hephsa. 

159  Eunice. 

160  Polly. 

m.  Samuel  Stevens.   6  children. 
Moved  to  Clinton,  Dutchess  Co.,  N.Y. 

161  Hannah. 

m.  John  Belding.    4  sons. 

Moved  to  Washington,  Dutchess  Co.,  N.Y. 

THE   CHILDREN  OF 

NEHEMIAH   DE  FOREST  OF  NEW 

STRATFORD   (V,  91) 

FIRST  WIFE,   MARY  LOCKWOOD 

144  Abby,  1771-1857.  148  Philo,  1779-1826. 

145  William,  1773-.  149  De  Lauzun,  1781-1815. 

146  Lockwood,  1775-1848.  150  Betsey,  1785-1841. 

147  Polly,  1777-1810. 

SECOND  WIFE,   ELEANOR  HICKOCK 

151  Charles  1st,  1794-d.y.        152   Charles  2nd,  1795-1865. 

VI,  144.  Abby  de  Forest,  b.  March,  1771;  d.  1857. 
m.  1797,  Legrand  Moss  Lewis,  "Esq.,"  b.  1769, 

[  301  ] 


Appendix 

d.  April  29,  1808,  son  of  Robert  and  Eunice 
(Wells)  Lewis. 

He  was  several  times  sent  to  the  General  Assembly 
as  Representative  from  Huntington  and  it  was  said 
of  him,  "He  stood  very  high  in  public  esteem  in  church 
and  town,  and  had  he  lived,  would  beyond  doubt  have 
held  a  prominent  place  in  civil  affairs." 

Abby  was  left  a  childless  widow  after  eleven  years  of 
happy  married  life.  With  her  sister  Polly  she  went  to 
New  Haven  in  1809.  In  18 18,  after  the  death  of  her 
brother  De  Lauzun  and  after  her  brother  Lockwood 
had  moved  to  New  York,  she  returned  to  New  Strat- 
ford. Later  "Aunt  Lewis"  lived  with  her  niece,  Mrs. 
Skinner,  in  Fairfield  until  1845,  after  which  she  made 
her  home  with  her  half-brother  Charles  and  his  wife 
in  Bridgeport.  She  lived  with  them  twelve  years  until 
the  time  of  her  death  in  1857,  when  she  was  in  her 
eighty-seventh  year. 

VI,  145.  William  de  Forest,  b.  June  13,  1773. 

m.   1st,    Sarah  ;   m.    2nd,   Widow   Lucretia 

Canfield. 

Soon  after  his  father's  death  in  1801  William  went 
to  Bridgeport  to  live.  He  kept  a  store  in  a  building  still 
standing  on  the  corner  of  State  and  Main  Streets.  For 
this  store  he  paid  an  annual  rental  of  #100. 

When  his  half-brother,  Charles,  married  his  second 
wife,  William  greeted  her  thus:  "Welcome,  sister.  A 
place  for  everything  and  everything  in  its  place.  Let 
this  be  your  motto."  The  same  sister-in-law  told  the 
writer  that  he  "was  very  quaint  and  old-fashioned  and 
yet  quite  full  of  humor." 

T.  T.  Waterman,  who  gave  an   address  in  1864  on 

[    3°2   ] 


Genealogical  Notes 


"Reminiscences  of  ioo  Years  in  Monroe  [New  Strat- 
ford]," said  of  him:  "Deacon  William  I  remember  as 
one  of  the  prominent  men  in  the  church  in  Bridgeport 
of  which  my  father  was  long  pastor.  He  was  a  gentle- 
man of  fine  appearance,  genial  manner,  kind,  shrewd, 
and  sympathetic.  His  quick  uttered  words,  expressive 
smile,  and  graceful  gestures  would  interest  children 
and  men  in  advanced  life.  He  lived  to  a  good  old  age 
and  died  a  few  years  since  in  the  triumph  of  Christian 
faith."  * 

Children 

162  Isaac. 

m.  Sarah  Bartram.    I  son. 

163  Lockwood  N. 

164  William. 

m.  Louisa  A.  Bassett. 

165  Marcus. 

166  Mary  Ann. 

m.  Mar.  6, 1834,  George  St.  John  of  Norwalk.  3  sons,  2  daugh- 
ters. 

VI,  146.  Lockwood  de  Forest,  b.  March  5,  1775; 
d.  Nov.  28,  1848. 

m.  July  14,  1793,  Mehetabel  Wheeler,  b.  Sept.  9, 
1777,  d.  Jan.  23,  1864,  daughter  of  Nathan  and 
Charity  (Beach)  Wheeler. 
A  full  account  of  Lockwood  and  Mehetabel  has  al- 
ready been  given.   For  the  records  of  his  children  (VII, 
167-80)  see  pp.  307-12. 

VI,  147.  Polly  de  Forest  (Mary,  named  for  her 

mother,  Mary  Lockwood),  b.  April  27,  1777;  d. 

Nov.  18,  1 8 10,  at  New  Haven. 

m.  Nov.  16,  1797,  Samuel  Moss  Monson,  b.  1774, 

d.  March  11,  1803,  son  of  Rev.  Samuel  and  his 

wife  Mary  (Moss)  Monson. 

1  Hurd,  Duane  H.  History  of  Fairfield  County. 

[  3°3  ] 


Appendix 

The  marriage  was  not  a  happy  one.  The  young  man 
had  charge  of  his  father's  property  and  squandered  it 
all.  His  mother  was  the  daughter  of  Joseph  Moss  of 
New  Stratford  and  had  inherited  the  Moss  homestead 
there.  Because  of  the  misdoings  of  their  son,  the  Rev. 
Samuel  and  his  wife  were  obliged  in  1797  to  sell  their 
homestead  to  Nathan  Wheeler. 

Soon  after  her  husband's  death  Polly  Monson  moved 
to  New  Haven,  where  her  brothers,  De  Lauzun  and 
Lockwood,  were  living,  and  there  she  died  in  18 10, 
aged  thirty-four. 

A  son,  W.  Nelson  Monson,  was  born  Sept.  3,  1798. 
His  uncle,  Legrand  M.  Lewis,  left  money  for  the  boy's 
education. 

Children 
181  W.  Nelson,  b.  Sept.  3,  1798. 

VI,  148.  Philo  de  Forest,  b.  July  21,  1779;  d. 
March  9,  1826. 
m.  Polly  Ann  ("Nancy") ,  d.  1836. 

When  Nehemiah  de  Forest  moved  to  Weston  in 
1798,  he  took  his  son  Philo  as  a  partner  in  "Centre 
Store"  under  the  firm  name  of  "Nehemiah  Deforest 
&  Son."  In  1804,  after  Nehemiah's  death,  Philo  and 
his  stepmother,  Eleanor,  with  the  other  heirs,  sold  the 
property.  Thereafter  Philo  is  spoken  of  as  "of  South- 
bury"  until  1 8 10,  when  he  purchased  a  dwelling-house 
in  Bridgeport  from  his  brothers. 

We  know  nothing  further  about  him  except  that  he 
died  in  Stratford  in  1826,  aged  forty-six. 

VI,  149.  De  Lauzun  de  Forest,  b.  June  30,  1781; 
d.  Nov.  27,  181 5. 

[  3°4  ] 


Genealogical  Notes 


m.  May  18,  1808,  Lydia,  daughter  of  Capt.  Wil- 
liam Brintnall  of  New  Haven. 

De  Lauzun  was  named  for  the  Due  de  Lauzun,  a 
French  officer  who  served  in  the  Revolutionary  War 
and  spent  the  night  of  De  Lauzun's  birth  at  his  father's 
inn  in  New  Stratford. 

His  share  of  his  father's  estate  was  one  third  less 
than  the  shares  given  to  the  other  sons,  the  father  as- 
signing as  his  reason  for  this  difference,  "on  account 
of  the  education  I  have  given  him." 

After  his  father's  death  in  1801,  he  and  his  brother 
Philo  for  a  short  time  owned  a  store  in  Bridgeport,  but 
in  1803  De  Lauzun  was  already  living  in  New  Haven. 
He  was  a  very  quiet,  rather  studious  man  and  during 
the  later  years  of  his  life  kept  a  bookstore. 

He  died  in  New  Haven  in  181 5,  in  his  thirty-fifth  year. 

Children 

182  Elizabeth,  d.  1874. 
Unmarried. 

183  William  B.,  b.  181 1;  d.  1887. 
m.  Mary  Abernethy. 

I  son,  William,  A.,  b.  1848;  d.  1908. 

VI,  150.  Betsey  de  Forest,  b.  Jan.  16,  1785;  d.  un- 
married Oct.  29,  1 841. 

Betsey  after  her  father's  death  moved  with  her  step- 
mother to  Bridgeport,  but  her  sister  Abby  becoming 
a  widow  in  1808,  Betsey  joined  her  and  they  made  their 
home  in  New  Haven.  It  was  presumably  in  1818,  when 
Abby  returned  to  New  Stratford,  that  Betsey  went  to 
New  York  to  make  her  home  with  her  brother  Lock- 
wood. 

She  died  in  his  house,  22  St.  Mark's  Place,  in  1841, 

aged  fifty-six. 

[  3°5  ] 


Appendix 

VI,  151.   Charles  de  Forest  1st,  b.  Jan.  28,  1794; 
lived  only  three  days. 

VI,  152.  Charles  de  Forest  2nd,  b.  Aug.  10,  1795; 
d.  July  28,  1865. 

m.  1st,  Oct.  27,  1825,  Mary  Ann,  daughter  of  Jesse 
Sterling;  m.  2nd,  Oct.   5,   1842,  Maria  Louisa 
Hopkins.1 
Charles  moved  to  Bridgeport  with  his  mother  Elea- 
nor and  lived  with  her  until  her  death  on  May  5,  1825. 
In  October  of  the  same  year  he  married.    His  "Aunt 
Lewis"  (Abby  de  Forest)  lived  in  his  home  for  the  last 
twelve  years  of  her  life. 

Charles  died  in  Bridgeport  in  1865,  aged  sixty-nine. 

Children,  first  marriage 

184  Elizabeth,  b.  Oct.  6,  1826. 

185  Ann  Maria,  b.  Aug.  11,  1828. 

186  Charles  Sterling,  b.  Oct.  25,  1830;  d.  Oct.  8,  1839. 

187  Sarah  Sterling,  b.  Oct.  30,  1834. 

188  Edward  Francis,  b.  Feb.  25,  1836;  d.  Sept.  19,  1839. 

Children,  second  marriage 

189  Charles  Edward,  b.  Aug.  4,  1843;  d.  Aug.  22,  1843. 

190  Arthur  Hopkins,  b.  Mar.  27,  1857;  d.  Nov.  27,  1905. 

1  The  second  Mrs.  de  Forest  after  her  husband's  death  married  the 
Rev.  Benjamin  L.  Swan. 


Genealogical  Notes 


THE   CHILDREN  OF 

LOCKWOOD   DE   FOREST   (VI,   146) 

AND  MEHETABEL  WHEELER 


167  William  Wheeler, 
1 794- 1 866. 

168  Mary  Lockwood, 
1 797- 1 889. 

169  Susan,  1799-1879. 

170  Eliza,  1801-1882. 

171  Jane,  1804-1877. 

172  George  Beach,  1806- 
1865. 

173  Ann  Mehetabel, 
1809-1889. 


174  Sarah,  1811-1881. 

175  Alfred  Henry,  1813-1816. 

176  Frederick   Lockwood,  1st, 
1816-1817. 

177  Louisa,  1818-1887. 

178  Henry  Grant,  1820-1889. 

179  James     Goodrich,      1822- 
1903. 

180  Frederick  Lockwood,  2nd, 
1825-1878. 


VII,  167.  William  Wheeler  de  Forest,  b.  Dec.  24, 
x794;  d-  Jan.  19,  1866. 


VII,  168.  Mary  Lockwood  de  Forest,  b.  Feb.  17, 
1797;  d.  1889. 
m.  Roger  Sherman  Skinner,  Sept.  25,  1817. 


191  John,  b.  Nov.  30,  1819. 
m.  Catharine  Perry. 

192  Eliza  de  Forest,  b.  Aug.  27, 
1823;  d.  Sept.  9,  1849. 

193  Mary  Sherman,  b.  Jan.  2, 
1826;  d.  March  15,  1913. 
m.  1st,  Samuel  Dexter 

Marsh;  m.  2nd,  John  W. 
Fitch,  1856;  m.  3rd,  Samuel 
Harris,  1877. 

194  Leonard  Wales,  b.  Nov.  12, 
1827. 

195  William  Wheeler,  b.  Jan.  15, 
1830. 


236  Roger  Sherman. 

237  William  Perry. 

238  Frederick  Downer. 

239  Mary  de  Forest. 
.  240  Leonard  Wales. 


241  Helen  Eliza  (Marsh). 


[  3°7  ] 


Appendix 


196  Jane  Wakeman,  b.  April  3,        I 

j g^ 2  J  242  Helen  Rood. 

m.    Rev.    Timothy    Dwight    of  j  243  Winthrop  Edwards. 

New  Haven,  1866.  I 

VII,  169.  Susan  de  Forest,  b.  June  3,  1799;  d.  May 
12,  1879. 
m.  Daniel  Lord,  Jr.,  May  16,  18 18. 


244  Daniel. 

245  Franklin  Butler. 


197  Daniel  de  Forest,  b.  April  17, 
1819;  d.  1894. 

m.  1st,  Mary  Howard  Butler, 
1844;  m.  2nd,  Elizabeth  Riley. 

198  John  Crary,  b.  Mar.  7,  1821;    f  246  Susan. 

d.  1873.  j  247  Margaret  Hawley. 

•  m.  Margaret  Hawley,  1846.         I  248  John  Crary,  Jr. 


199  Phoebe  Lucretia,  b.  May  31, 
1823;  d.  1895. 
m.  Henry  Day,  1849. 


200  James  Couper,  1st,  b.  June  22, 
1825;  d.  Sept.  3,  1825. 

201  James  Couper,  2nd,  b.  Mar. 
17,  1827;  d.  1869. 

m.  Margaretta  Hunter  Brown, 
1852. 

202  Sarah,  b.  April  10,  1829. 
m.  Henry  C.  Howells,  1887. 

203  Edward  Crary,  b.  Sept.  27, 
183 1 ;  d.  1892. 

m.  Emily  Livingston,  1864. 

204  George  de  Forest,  b.  Nov.  21, 
1833;  d.  1892. 

m.  Frances  Theodora  Shelton, 
1877. 


249  Sarah  Lord. 

250  Henry  Lord. 

251  Eliza  Skinner. 

252  John  Lord. 

253  George  de  Forest  Lord. 

254  Susan  de  Forest. 


255  Grace  Davison. 

256  James  Brown. 

257  Eliza  Brown.    " 

258  William  Brown. 


259  Cornelia  Livingston. 

260  George  de  Forest,  Jr. 


VII,  170.  Eliza  de  Forest,  b.  April  12, 1801 ;  d.  Jan. 

22,  1882. 

m.  Samuel  Downer,  Dec.  22,  1823.    , 

[  3°8  ] 


Genealogical  Notes 


205  Frederick  William,  b.  Jan.  1, 
1825;  d.  1904. 
m.  Sarah  W.  Downer,  1855. 


206  Samuel  Robinson,  b.  Jan.  8, 
1827;  d.  1891. 
m.  Charlotte  F.  Downer,  1845. 


207  Eliza  de  Forest,  b.  Dec.  17, 
1829;  d.  Dec.  31,  1834. 

208  Charles,  b.  Jan.  18,  183 1;  d. 
Nov.  1 841. 


261  Frederick  William. 

262  Lisa  de  Forest. 

263  Sophia  W. 

264  Louis  de  Forest. 

265  Charlotte  F. 

266  Eliza  de  Forest. 

267  Adeline. 

268  William  Forbes. 
.  269  Bertha  A. 


VII,  171.  Jane  de  Forest,  b.  April  12,  1804;  d.  Oct. 
20,  1877. 
m.  Burr  Wakeman,  Mar.  22,  1826. 


209  Louise,  b.  Jan.  4,  1827;  d. 
Mar.  7,  1863. 

m.  James  Hall  Mason  Knox, 
Sept.  17,  1846. 


270  Jane  de  Forest. 

271  Louise  Wakeman. 


VII,  172.  George  Beach  de  Forest,  b.  Dec.   27, 
1806;  d.  Sept.  23,  1865. 
m.  Margaret  Eliza  de  Forest,  April  6,  1836. 


210  Margaret  Eliza,  b.  Jan.  27, 
1837;  d.  1882. 

211  Benjamin  Lockwood,  b.  Feb. 
23,  1840;  d.  Nov.  11,  1885. 

m.  Kate  Louise  Knapp,  1864. 


212  Josephine,  b.  Dec.  13,  1841; 
d.  May  14,  1842. 

213  George  Beach,  b.  1848.  1 
m.  Anita  Hargous,  1882.    J 

214  Caroline,  b.  1850. 

215  Edward  Wheeler,  b.  1852;  d. 
1854. 


272  Helen. 

273  Benjamin. 

274  Shepherd  Knapp. 

275  Augusta  Spring. 

.  276  Edward  Layton. 


277  Louis  Stanislas  Hargous. 


[  3°9  1 


Appendix 


VII,  173.  Ann  Mehetabel,  b.  Mar.  13,  1809;  d. 
1889. 
m.  Simeon  Baldwin,  Jr.,  Oct.  27,  1830. 


216  Henry,  b.  Feb.  1,  1832. 
m.  Cornelia  Estelle  Hoskins, 
1872. 


217  Simeon,  b.  May  13,  1836. 
m.  Mary  S.  Marven,  i860. 


278  Francis  Hoskins. 

279  De  Forest. 

280  David  Higginbotham. 

281  Simeon. 

282  Anne  Estelle. 

283  Anne  Marven. 

284  Henry  de  Forest. 

285  Charles  Marven. 

286  Maud  Dominick. 

287  Lockwood  de  Forest. 

288  Roger  Sherman. 


VII,  174.  Sarah  de  Forest,  b.  Mar.  27,  181 1;  d. 
Nov.  29,  1 88 1. 
m.  Walter  Edwards,  Sept.  28,  1830. 


218  Edwin  Wakeman,  b.  May 
20,  1832;  d.  1886. 

219  Walter,  b.  Feb.  5,  1834;  d. 
, 1895. 

m.  Camilla  Leonard,  1863. 

220  Mary  Porter,  b.  Nov.  29, 
1838.   ' 

m.  Thomas  Sedgwick  Van  Vol- 
kenburgh,  1872. 

221  Susan  Lord,  b.  May  20,  1841 ; 
d.  Dec.  31,  1849. 

222  Charles  Atwood,  b.  May  22, 
1844. 

m.  Sara  Katharine  Hiller,  1874. 


289  Camilla. 

290  Alice  Minturn. 

291  William  Henry  Leonard. 

292  Hetty  de  Forest. 


•  293  Susie  Edwards. 


294  Abby  Hiller. 

295  Sarah  de  Forest. 

296  Helen  Aldis. 

297  Katharine  Hiller. 


223  Wheeler  de  Forest,  b.  Nov.'     ,  ^  Kathar;ne  Liv;ngstone. 

9,  185 1.  J  Helena  Roosevelt, 

m.  Emma  Lefferts  Knox,  1881.   l    yy 

VII,  175.  Alfred  Henry  de  Forest,  b.  Aug.  20, 
1813;  d.  Dec.  31,  1816. 

[  310  ] 


Genealogical  Notes 


VII,  176.  Frederick  Lockwood  de  Forest,  1st,  b. 
Aug.  8,  1816;  d.  Sept.  8,  1817. 

VII,  177.  Louisa  de  Forest,  b.  Aug.  20,  1818;  d. 
Jan.  21,  1887. 
m.  1st  Samuel  M.  Woodruff,  Oct.  25,  1836  (Lost  at 

sea  in  S.S.  Arctic,  1854);  m.  2nd  Thomas  Ferris 

Cock,  M.D.,  Feb.  6,  1866. 

224  Lockwood  de  Forest  (Wood- 
ruff), b.  Feb.  I,  1838;  d.  1876. 


VII,  178.  Henry  G.  de  Forest,  b.  Aug.  3,  1820;  d. 
Nov.  18,  1889. 
m.  Julia  Mary  Weeks,  April  15,  1847. 


225  Robert  Weeks,  b.  April  25, 
1848. 

m.  Emily  Johnston,  Nov.  12, 
1872. 


300  Johnston. 

301  Henry  Lockwood. 

302  Ethel. 

303  Frances  Emily 


f  304  Judith  Brasher. 

226  Lockwood,  b.  June  23,  1850.        I  Alfred  victor, 
m.  Meta  Kemble,  Nov.  11,  1880.    j  ^  Lockwood)  jr. 

227  Julia  Brasher,  b.  Oct.  12, 
1853;  d.  June  6,  1910. 


228  Henry  Wheeler,  b.  Oct.  29, 
1855. 

m.  Julia  Gilman  Noyes,  Aug. 
22,  1898. 


307  Julia  Mary. 

308  Henry  Wheeler,  Jr. 

309  Charles  Noyes. 

310  Alice  Delano. 


VII,  179.  James  Goodrich  de  Forest,  b.  Oct.  3, 
1822;  d.  1903. 
m.  Julia  T.  Hallett,  Mar.  31,  1852. 


229  Louise  Woodruff,  b.  Feb.  2, 
1853. 

m.  Maynard  Hollister,  1886. 

230  Hettie  Wheeler,  b.  May  18, 
1854;  d.  1855- 


311  Louise  Maynard. 


[  3"  1 


Appendix 


231  Eliza  Hallett,  b.  Mar.  28,    ) 

1856.  r      312  Louis  de  Forest, 

m.  Charles  M.  Russell,  1885.  J 

232  William  Wheeler,  b.  July  10, 
1857;  d.  Feb.  16,  1905. 

m.  Mabel  Menzies,  1899. 

233  James  Goodrich,  b.  Dec.  16, 
1858. 

234  Frederick  Lockwood,  b.  Oct. 
12,  i860;  d.  March  14,  1905. 
m.  Lydia  Krug,  1902. 

235  Stephen  Hallett,  b.  Aug.  10, 
1862. 

m.  Leila  B.  Dean,  1891. 

VII,  180.  Frederick  Lockwood  de  Forest,  b.  Dec. 
2,  1825;  d.  Jan.  15,  1878. 
m.  Julia  Desha,  Nov.  7,  1866. 


GENEALOGICAL    CHART 


THE  MALE   DESCENDANTS   OF 

DAVID  DE   FOREST  OF   STRATFORD 

THROUGH  THE  THIRD  GENERATION 

This  chart  is  based  on  the  genealogical  records  in  "The  de  Forests  of 
Avesnes"  and  on  a  chart  of  the  male  descendants  of  David  of  Stratford, 
compiled  about  1853,  by  Dr.  John  De  Forest  of  Watertown,  Conn. 
(1806-1885).  These  records  have  been  corrected  wherever  possible  by- 
comparison  with  accurate  family  records.  In  this  chart  the  plan  is 
adopted  of  showing  the  six  sons  of  David  of  Stratford  in  the  order  of  their 
seniority,  followed  in  each  case  by  the  second  and  third  generations. 

I,  I   David  of  Stratford,  bp.  Sept.  7,  1669;  d.  April  20,  1721. 
m.  1696?  Martha  Blagge. 

2.  David  of  Wilton  1st,  1702-1748. 

3.  Samuel  of  Moose  Hill,  1704-1777. 

4.  Isaac  of  Newtown  and  New  Milford,  1706-. 

5.  Edward  of  Stratford,  1708-after  1758. 

6.  Henry  of  Moose  Hill,  1710-about  1777. 

7.  Benjamin  of  Ripton,  1716-1780. 

II,  2  David  of  Wilton  ist,  b.  1702;  d.  1748. 
m.  Abigail  Clark,  before  1726. 

(Rebecca member  of  Wilton  ch.  1747,  probably  2nd  wife.) 


8  Hezekiah,  (i)1,  b.  1726. 

m.  Rebecca  Raymond,  1748. 

9  Lemuel,  b.  1728. 

m.  Phebe  Keeler,  1751. 


10  David  of  Wilton  2nd,  b.  1733; 
d.  1790  ? 
m.  Sarah  Olmstead,  1754. 


34  Uriah  (2),  b.  1756. 

m.  Phebe  Dunning,  1780. 

35  Hezekiah,  b.  1770. 


36  Davidof  Wilton3rd  (2),b.  1755; 
d.  1788. 

m.  Sabra  Mead,  1776. 

37  Samuel,  b.  1757. 

38  Isaac  (2)2,  b.  1761. 

m.  Deborah  Ingersoll,  1784. 

39  Eliud,  b.  1769. 

m.  Isabel  Hayt,  1790? 

40  Clark,  b.  1772;  bp.  1777. 


1  (1)  following  a  name  stands  for  "served  in  the  French  and  Indian  War"; 
(2)  stands  for  "served  in  the  Revolutionary  War";  (1,  2)  stands  for  service 
in  both  wars. 

2  The  Isaac  who  performed  military  service  in  the  Revolution  was  either 
this  Isaac  or  Isaac,  son  of  Benjamin  of  Ripton.  See  Appendix,  p.  327. 


[  3*3  ] 


Appendix 


II  Elihu,  (I.2),1  b.  1739;  d.  1827. 
m.  Rachel  Lambert,  1761. 


41  David  Lambert  (2),  b.  1762. 
—  Barnum. 


m. 


42  Joseph,  b.  1764. 

43  Benjamin,  b.  1771. 
m.  Mary  Burloch. 

44  Bills  Clark,  b.  1782. 


12  Ephraim  (1),  b.  1740;  d.  1827. 
m.  Sarah  Betts,  1764? 

13  Samuel  (2),  bp.  1746;  d.  1795. 
m.  Eleanor  Stirling,  1767. 


45  Nathan,  b.  1765. 

46  Zalmon,  b.  1770. 

47  Henry,  b.  1778. 

48  Samuel,  b.  1784. 

49  Ephraim  B.,  b.  1787. 


II,  3  Samuel  of  Moose  Hill,  b.  1704;  d.  1777. 
m.  Abigail  Peat,  1725. 


14  Joseph  of  Moose  Hill,  b.  173 1 ; 
d.  1777? 
m.  Susannah  Mills,  1757. 


15  Samuel,  b.  1739 


16  Nehemiah  of  New  Stratford,  b. 
1743;  d.  1801. 

m.  Mary  Lockwood,  1769;  m.  2nd 
Eleanor  Hickock,  1793. 


■  50  Samuel  (2),  b.  1758;  d.  1837. 
m.  Mary  Curtis,  1781. 

51  Abel  (2),  b.  1761. 

m.  Mary  Hawley,  1787. 

52  Mills  (2),  b.  1763. 

53  Gideon  (2),  b.  1765;  d.  1840. 
m.  Hannah  Birdseye,  1794? 

54  Elihu,  b.  1771,  d.y. 


55  William,  b.  1773. 
m.   1st  Sarah 


2nd,  Widow 


Lucretia  Canfield. 

56  Lockwood,  b.  1775;  d.  1848. 
m.  Mehetabel  Wheeler,  1793. 

57  Philo,  b.  1779;  d.  1826. 
m.  Polly  Ann  ("Nancy") 


58  De  Lauzun,  b.  1781;  d.  1815. 
m.  Lydia  Brintnall,  1808. 

59  Charles,  b.  1794;  d.y. 

60  Charles,  b.  1795;  d.  1865. 

m.  1st,  Mary  Ann  Sterling,  1825; 
m.  2nd,  Maria  Louisa  Hopkins, 
1842. 


17  David   of   Derby,   b. 

1783. 

m.  Hannah  Lum. 

18  Josiah,  b.  1748;  d.y. 


1745;   d. 


61  Richard,  b.  1768;  d.  1776. 

62  David  Lum. 

63  Isaac  (N?) 

64  Samuel  Hervey. 

65  Joseph. 


1  (1)  following  a  name  stands  for  "served  in  the  French  and  Indian  War"; 
(2)  stands  for  "served  in  the  Revolutionary  War";  (1,2)  stands  for  service 
in  both  wars. 


[3H] 


Genealogical  Chart 


II,  4  Isaac  of  Newtown  and  New  Milford,  b.  1706. 

m.  Elizabeth  Noble,  1732. 
19  Isaac  (1,2V  b.  1734.  j  66  Benjamin,  b.  1764. 


m.  Rachel  Bostwick,  1763. 


m.  Clarissa  Canfield,  1788. 


II,  5  Edward  of  Stratford,  b.  1708. 
m.  Eunice  Uffoot  (Ufford),  1733. 

67  Benjamin. 


20  Isaac  (1),  b.  1736. 

21  Elisha  (1,2),  b.  1738;  d.  1804. 
m.  Sarah  Hubbell,  1767. 


68  Isaac,  b.  1768. 

69  Daniel,  b.  1771. 
m.  Phoebe  Offoot. 


22  Edward,  b.  1743. 


23  John,  b._  1745. 
m.  Abigail  Walker. 


24  William  (2)  b.  1752. 

25  Joseph  (2),  b.  1758. 
m.  Anne  Lamson,  1779. 


70  James  (2)2. 

71  Curtis. 

72  Philo. 

73  Jorin- 

m.  Alma  Colton. 

74  Edward. 
.  75  James. 

'  76  William,  b.  1787. 

77  Joseph,  b.  1790. 

78  Mitchell  Lamson,  b.  1792. 
.  79  Curtis,  b.  1803. 


II,  6  Henry  of  Moose  Hill,  b.  1710;  d.  1773-77. 
m.  Martha ,  1746. 

26  Henry  (2),  b.  1750. 

27  Timothy  (2),  b.  1751. 

28  Daniel,  b.  1755. 

II,  7  Benjamin  of  Ripton,  b.  1716;  d.  1780. 
m.  Esther  Beardsley,  1744. 


29  Hezekiah,  b.  1745;  d.  1808. 
m.  Mary  Adams. 


30  Nehemiah  (2),  b.  1748. 
m.  Rebecca  Blakeman. 


80  Augustus,  bp.  1777. 

81  Erastus,  b.  1777. 

82  Philo,  b.  1783. 

83  Samuel  Adams,  b.  1792. 
m.  Polly  Beers. 

[  84  Ebenezer,  b.  1780. 


1  (1)  following  a  name  stands  for  "served  in  the  French  and  Indian  War"; 
(2)  stands  for  "served  in  the  Revolutionary  War";  (1,2)  stands  for  service 
in  both  wars. 

2  The  James  who  performed  military  service  in  the  Revolution  was  either 
this  James  or  James,  son  of  John  and  grandson  of  Edward  of  Stratford. 
See  Appendix,  p.  341. 


[3i5  ] 


Appendix 


31  Benjamin,  b.  1749;  d.  1784. 
m.  Mehitable  Curtis,  1773. 


32  Isaac,  b.  1758;  d.  1813. 
m.  Mary  Gregory. 


33  Othniel,  b.  1761;  d.  1811. 
m.  Hannah  Tomlinson,  1784. 


85  David  Curtis,  bp.  1774;  d.  1825. 
m.  Julia  Wooster,  181 1. 

86  John  Hancock,  b.  1776;  d.  1839. 
m.  Dotha  Woodward,  1811. 

87  William,  b.  1778;  d.  1802. 

88  Benjamin,  b.  1780;  d.  1848. 
m.  Alma  Southmayd,  1805.     1 

89  Ezra,  b.  1782;  d.  1868. 
m.  Laura  Wooster,  1808.    , 

90  Aaron. 

91  Grandison. 

92  Isaac. 

93  Samuel  or  Lemuel. 

94  Alonzo;  d.  1845. 

m.  1st,  Sarah  Milliman,  1803;  2nd, 
Electa  Hawks,  1821. 

95  Linson,  b.  1787;  d.  1822. 
m.  Jane  Hawley,  1807. 

96  Sidney. 

97  Charles,  b.  1794. 

m.  Catherine  Burloch. 


WAR  RECORDS 

Of  the  de  Forests  included  in  the  following  war 
records,  six  fighting  in  the  French  and  Indian  War 
and  twenty-five  in  the  Revolution,  the  connection 
of  all  but  seven  with  the  line  of  David  of  Stratford 
is  reasonably  clear.  In  each  instance  the  father  and 
grandfather  of  the  soldier  are  mentioned,  if  they  are 
known.  These  comprise  all  the  Connecticut  de  Forests 
who  became  soldiers. 

With  reference  to  these  records  of  war-time  service, 
it  is  pleasant  to  note  in  passing  that  not  one  de  Forest, 
so  far  as  known,  appears  on  the  muster  rolls  or  in  any 
other  record  as  a  deserter.  This  might  not  be  remark- 
able except  for  the  vast  numbers  of  desertions  which 
were  constantly  embarrassing  the  Revolutionary  com- 
manders—  especially  Washington,  who  frequently 
laments  the  fact. 

In  the  rosters  of  the  War  of  the  Revolution  the  name 
of  de  Forest  appears  only  in  those  published  by  Con- 
necticut, Massachusetts,  and  New  York.  In  Massachu- 
setts we  find  records  of  Henry,  Jonathan,  and  Valen- 
tine de  Forest  or  de  Foret,  all  privates.  For  New  York 
State  the  record  is  fuller.  A  large  contingent  of  de 
Forests,  de  Forrests,  and  de  Freests  or  de  Fries  ap- 
pear on  the  records,  among  whom  were  three  cap- 
tains—  Jacob,  Isaac,  and  Philip;  one  ensign,  David; 
and  one  lieutenant,  Derick.  Among  the  privates  the 
following  names  are  found:  Jesse,  Philip,  William, 
Abraham,  Henry,  David  P.,  John,  Peter,  James,  Reu- 
ben, and  Ebenezer. 

[    317  ] 


Appendix 


FRENCH   AND   INDIAN   WAR 

RECORDS  OF   DESCENDANTS  OF   DAVID 

DE   FOREST  OF   STRATFORD 

At  least  six  Connecticut  de  Forests,  descendants  of 
David  of  Stratford,  served  in  the  French  and  Indian 
War  —  three  of  them  in  two  separate  campaigns. 

Some  of  our  information  concerning  these  six  men  is 
derived  from  certain  quaintly  spelled  old  muster  rolls 
which,  buried  in  dust,  were  recently  found  in  a  garret. 
They  are  the  only  ones  known  to  be  preserved.  From 
these  records  is  quoted  the  phrase,  "Each  man  rode  a 
horse  from  Fairfield." 

As  many  as  eight  different  de  Forests  appear  on  the 
New  York  State  records,  but  it  is  impossible  to  say 
what  their  connection  may  have  been  with  the  Con- 
necticut branch  of  the  family. 

Hezekiah  de  Forest  (son  of  David  of  Wilton  1st 
and  grandson  of  David  of  Stratford). 

Quartermaster  in  Captain  Jonathan  Camp's  troop 
of  horse,  9th  Regiment,  May  5,  1755. 

MSS.  Conn.  State  Library  308,  b. 

"This  Assembly  do  establish  and  confirm  Mr.  Hezi- 
kiah  De  Forest  to  be  Quarter-Master  of  the  troop  of 
horse  in  the  9th  Regt.  in  this  Colony,  and  order  that 
he  be  commissioned  accordingly,  May,  1755." 

Colonial  Records  of  Conn.,  vol.  x,  p.  365. 

Coronet  [cornet  —  an  officer  whose  rank  nearly  cor- 
responded to  that  of  second  lieutenant]  troop  of  horse 
in  the  9th  regiment,  May  II,  1758. 

Captain  of  same,  May,  1760. 

Colonial  Records  of  Conn.,  vol.  xi,  pp.  131  and  374. 

[  3^8  ] 


War  Records 


Captain  troop  of  horse,  as  below:  — 
"To  the  Honorable  General  Assembly  at  Harford  pur- 
suant to  the  within  order  I  gave  legal  warning  to  the 
troop  of  Horse  under  my  command  to  meat  at  Nor- 
walk  on  Monday  the  3rd  Instant  who  accordingly  met 
and  made  choice  of  Ezra  Gregory  Quartermaster  by  a 
considerable  majority  of  said  troops  and  hope  to  good 
satisfaction  praying  he  may  be  commissioned  accord- 
ingly. 

Hezekiah  Deforest" 

May  3,  1769. 

MSS.  Conn.  State  Library,  563  b. 

Elihu  de  Forest1  (son  of  David  of  Wilton  1st  and 
grandson  of  David  of  Stratford). 

Private  in  Captain  Daniel  Bradley's  company  of 
New  Haven,  Colonel  Andrew  Burr's  regiment,  Con- 
necticut Militia,  raised  for  service  at  the  time  of  the 
alarm  for  the  relief  of  Fort  William  Henry  and  parts 
adjacent.  Other  company  officers  were  from  Fairfield. 
Served  sixteen  days,  from  August  7-23,  Campaign  of 
1757.  According  to  the  record,  "Each  [of  the  men 
named]  rode  a  horse  from  Fairfield." 

Collections  Conn.  Historical  Society,  vol.  ix,  p.  201. 

Private  in  2nd  Company,  James  Smedley,  Lieuten- 
ant-Colonel and  Captain,  Colonel  David  Wooster's 
4th  Regiment,  Connecticut  Militia.  Enlisted  March 
31,  discharged  Nov.  14,  Campaign  of  1758.  "Each  .  .  . 
rode  a  horse  from  Fairfield."  The  General  Assembly 
in  March,  1758,  resolved  to  raise  for  the  coming  cam- 
paign 5,000  men,  including  officers,  the  force  to  be  di- 
vided into  four  regiments  of  twelve  companies  each. 

1  See  also  Revolutionary  Record,  Appendix,  p.  322. 

[  3*9  ] 


Appendix 

These  troops  were  to  act  in  conjunction  with  those  of 
the  other  New  England  colonies  under  Major-General 
Abercromby,  commander-in-chief  of  the  King's  forces 
in  North  America. 

Coll.  Conn.  Hist.  Soc,  vol.  x,  p.  77. 

Ephraim  de  Forest1  (son  of  David  of  Wilton  1st 
and  grandson  of  David  of  Stratford). 

Private  in  9th  Company,  Captain  Thaddeus  Mead 
of  Norwalk,  General  David  Wooster,  Colonel  of  3rd 
Regiment,  Connecticut  Troops.  Enlisted  April  6,  dis- 
charged December  3,  Campaign  of  1759.  The  General 
Assembly  in  March,  1759,  resolved  to  raise  3,600  men, 
officers  included,  for  the  coming  campaign  and  gave 
"further  encouragement"  for  400  men  to  enlist,  the 
force  to  be  divided  into  four  regiments  of  ten  companies 
each.  Many  Connecticut  men  had  enlisted  into  his  Ma- 
jesty's regular  troops  during  the  last  winter  and  into  the 
pay  of  the  neighboring  governments  for  this  campaign. 

Coll.  Conn.  Hist.  Soc,  vol.  x,  p.  159. 

Private  in  1st  Company,  David  Wooster  Captain 
and  Colonel  of  3rd  Regiment,  Connecticut  Troops.  En- 
listed April  2,  discharged  November  23,  Campaign  of 
1760.  The  General  Assembly  resolved  in  March,  1760, 
to  raise  5,000  men,  officers  included,  the  force  to  be  di- 
vided into  four  regiments  of  twelve  companies  each. 

1    Coll.  Conn.  Hist.  Soc,  vol.  x,  p.  210. 

Isaac  de  Forest  of  New  Milford 2  3  (son  of  Isaac  of 
Newtown  and  New  Milford,  and  grandson  of  David  of 
Stratford). 

1  Ephraim  was  a  Tory  at  the  time  of  the  Revolutionary  War. 

2  See  also  Revolutionary  Record,  Appendix,  p.  338. 

3  For  statement  of  the  reasons  for  connecting  Isaac  of  New  Milford  with 
the  line  of  David  de  Forest,  see  Appendix,  p.  293. 

[  320  ] 


War  Records 


Private  in  Captain  John  Hitchcock's  Company- 
Hitchcock  was  of  New  Milford),  Colonel  Ebenezer 
Marsh's  Regiment,  Connecticut  Militia.  One  of  the 
eighteen  who  "rode  horses  from  New  Fairfield." 

"Dr.  Colony  of  Conn,  to  Capt.  John  Hitchcock  and 
company  under  his  command  in  Col.  Ebenezer  Marsh's 
regiment  for  their  service  at  ye  time  of  alarm  for  relief 
of  Fort  William  Henry  and  places  adjacent,  Aug.,  1757. 
Isaac  De  Forest.   17  days  in  service.   6-22." 

Coll.  Conn.  Hist.  Soc,  vol.  ix,  p.  225. 

Private  in  2nd  company,  Benjamin  Hinman  of  Wood- 
bury, Captain  and  Lieutenant-Colonel,  Colonel  Elea- 
zer  Fitch's  3rd  Regiment  Connecticut  Troops.  En- 
listed April  5,  discharged  November  17,  Campaign  of 
1758. 

Coll.  Conn.  Hist.  Soc,  vol.  x,  p.  55. 

Isaac  de  Forest  (son  of  Edward  of  Stratford  and 
grandson  of  David  of  Stratford). 

Private  in  Captain  Isaiah  Brain's  Company,  Colonel 
Andrew  Burr's  Regiment,  Connecticut  Militia,  called 
into  service  for  relief  of  Fort  William  Henry.  Served 
sixteen  days,  August  7-23,  Campaign  of  1757.  "Each 
.  .  .  rode  a  horse  from  Stratford." 

The  General  Assembly  in  February,  1757,  resolved 
to  raise  1,400  men  to  be  formed  into  one  regiment  of 
fourteen  companies  to  act  in  conjunction  with  the  regu- 
lar troops  under  command  of  the  Earl  of  Loudon.  In 
October  the  General  Assembly  ordered  the  enlisting 
of  three  companies  of  ninety-four  men  each,  officers 
included,  out  of  the  troops  already  in  service  to  remain 
in  service  during  the  winter.  .  .  .  The  alarm  in  August 
.  .  .  called  out  many  of  the  militia. 

Coll.  Conn.  Hist.  Soc,  vol.  ix,  p.  200. 

[    321     ] 


Appendix 

Elisha  de  Forest  1  (son  of  Edward  of  Stratford  and 
grandson  of  David  of  Stratford). 

Private  in  Captain  Samuel  Whiting's  4th  Company, 
2nd  Regiment  Connecticut  Troops,  Colonel  Nathan 
Whiting  of  New  Haven.  Enlisted  March  29,  dis- 
charged Dec.  5,  Campaign  of  1762.  The  General  As- 
sembly in  March,  1762,  resolved  to  raise  2,300  men, 
officers  included,  "to  march  to  such  place  or  places  in 
North  America  as  his  Majesty's  said  Commander  in 
Chief  shall  appoint."  This  force  was  to  be  divided  into 
two  regiments  of  twelve  companies  each. 

Coll.  Conn.  Hist.  Soc,  vol.  x,  p.  328. 

REVOLUTIONARY  WAR   RECORDS 

Elihu  de  Forest2  (son  of  David  of  Wilton  1st  and 
grandson  of  David  of  Stratford). 

Lieutenant  8th  Company,  Alarm  List  in  16th  Con- 
necticut Regiment,  Colonel  Nehemiah  Beardsley  com- 
manding.  Commissioned  October,  1779. 

MSS.  Conn.  State  Library,  2581  b. 

Elected  Captain  of  the  Company  as  above.  Com- 
missioned May,  1780. 

MSS.  Conn.  State  Library,  2636  a. 

Samuel  de  Forest  of  Wilton  (son  of  David  of  Wil- 
ton 1st  and  grandson  of  David  of  Stratford). 

Private  in  Captain  Matthew  Mead's  Company,  5th 
Connecticut  Continental  Regiment,3  Colonel    David 

1  See  also  Revolutionary  Record,  Appendix,  p.  340. 

2  See  also  French  and  Indian  War  Record,  Appendix,  p.  319. 

3  Regimental  Record  :  5th  Connecticut,  raised  on  Legislature's  first  call 
for  troops  April-May,  1775.  Recruited  mainly  in  Fairfield  County.  Marched 
to  New  York  late  in  June,  encamped  at  Harlem  with  Major-General  Woos- 
ter's  command.  About  September  28th,  ordered  by  Congress  to  the  North- 
ern Department,  taking  part  in  operations  along  Lakes  George  and  Cham- 
plain.  Term  of  service  expired  December,  1775. 

Record  of  Conn.  Men  in  the  Revolution,  pp.  39,  64. 

[  322  ] 


War  Records 


Waterbury  commanding.    Enlisted  May  8,  1775;  dis- 
charged September  17,  1775. 

Record  of  Service  of  Connecticut  Men  in  the  War  of  the  Revolution, 
p.  67. 

"Sam'll  Deforest,  rank  not  stated,  served  in  the  5th 
Regiment  of  Connecticut  Troops.  His  name  appears 
on  an  account,  dated  at  Hartford,  Conn.,  April  12, 
1776,  of  the  names  of  the  men  that  returned  their  arms 
at  Ticonderoga,  by  order  of  the  general,  belonging  to 
Captain  Matthew  Mead's  Company,  Colonel  David 
Waterbury's  Regiment,  1775,  which  account  shows 
that  he  was  credited  with  £2.  8s." 

United  States  War  Office  Records. 

Samuel  evidently  re-enlisted  after  his  discharge  on 
September  17th,  in  time  for  service  in  the  Northern 
Department  in  the  fall  of  1775. 

On  January  1,  1777,  Samuel  was  appointed  for  three 
years  sergeant  in  Captain  Ezekiel  Sanford's  Com- 
pany, 5th  Connecticut  Regiment,1  Colonel  Philip  Burr 
Bradley  commanding.  Promoted  to  sergeant  major, 
January  1,  1778.  His  name  is  borne  from  July  to 
November,  1778,  on  the  rolls  of  Captain  Abner  Prior's 
Company,  same    regiment.    On  the  muster    roll  for 


1  Regimental  Record:  of  5th  Connecticut  Regiment  from  1777  to  1781. 

Raised  for  the  Continental  Line  in  1777,  to  continue  through  the  war. 
Recruited  largely  in  Fairfield  and  Litchfield  Counties;  rendezvous,  Dan- 
bury.  Went  into  camp  at  Peekskill,  New  York,  spring  of  1777,  and  in  Sep- 
tember was  ordered  to  Pennsylvania  with  McDougall's  Brigade.  Engaged 
at  battle  of  Germantown  October  4,  1777;  wintered  at  Valley  Forge,  1777- 

78.  June  28,  1778,  present  at  battle  of  Monmouth;  went  into  camp  with 
main  army  at  White  Plains,  and  wintered  at  Redding,  Connecticut,  1778- 

79.  In  operations  of  1779  served  in  Heath's  wing,  east  side  of  Hudson;  its 
Light  Company  under  Captain  St.  John  was  detached  to  Meigs's  Light 
Regiment  and  engaged  in  storming  Stony  Point,  July  15,  1779-  Wintered 
at  Morristown,  1779-80,  and  in  the  following  summer  served  in  Connecti- 
cut Division  with  the  main  army  on  both  sides  of  the  Hudson.  Wintered 
1780-81  at  Camp  "Connecticut  Village"  near  the  Robinson  House,  oppo- 
site West  Point,  and  there  consolidated  for  formation  of  1781-83. 

Record  of  Conn.  Men  in  the  Revolution,  p.  193. 

[     323    ] 


Appendix 

November,  1778,  of  Captain  John  St.  John's  Company, 
same  regiment,  he  is  shown  to  have  been  commis- 
sioned ensign,  December  15,  1777. 

On  July  16,  1779,  Ensign  Samuel  de  Forest  of  Wilton 
was  detached  from  the  5th  Regiment  with  a  Light  Com- 
pany of  "47  Rank  &  File"  to  serve  with  Meigs's  Light 
Regiment  for  the  assault  on  Stony  Point.  Transferred 
in  July,  1780,  to  Colonel  Bradley's  Company,  same 
regiment;  was  commissioned  August  27,  1780,  as  first 
lieutenant  in  Lieutenant-Colonel  Jonathan  Johnson's 
Company,  same  regiment. 

United  States  War  Office  Records. 

Heitman's  Historical  Register  of  Officers  of  the  Continental  Army, 

P-  I5°-  , 

Record  of  Conn.  Men  in  the  Revolution,  pp.  194,  242,  360. 

Samuel  was  transferred  about  January,  178 1,  to 
Captain  Wright's  Company  (also  designated  Captain 
Robertson's  Company),  2nd  Connecticut  Regiment,1 
commanded  by  Colonel  Heman  Swift.  For  his  gallant 
service,  mentioned  in  General  Heath's  Orders  for  No- 
vember 18,  1781,  see  chapter,  "The  de  Forests  in  War 
Time,"  vol.  1,  p.  235. 

His  name  is  last  borne,  without  remark,  on  the  mus- 
ter roll  of  Captain  Wright's  Company  for  April,  1783. 
He  was  retired  with  the  rest  of  the  army,  June,  1783. 
Samuel  was  one  of  the  original  members  of  the  Society 
of  the  Cincinnati. 

Record  of  Conn.  Men  in  the  Revolution,  pp.  306,  322,  373. 

1  Regimental  Record:  2nd  Regiment,  Connecticut  Line  1781-83.  In 
this  formation  the  2nd  Regiment  was  composed  of  the  consolidated  5th  and 
7th  Regiments  of  the  previous  formation. 

Marched  from  Camp  Connecticut  Village,  to  Peekskill  in  June,  1781. 

From  there  the  troops  of  the  Connecticut  Line  marched  with  the  army 
to  Phillipsburg.  The  regiment  remained  in  camp  at  West  Point  and  vicin- 
ity from  January,  1783,  until  early  in  June,  when  by  Washington's  orders 
this  regiment,  with  the  greater  portion  of  the  army,  was  disbanded. 

Record  of  Conn.  Men  in  the  Revolution,  pp.  304,  360. 

[  324  ] 


War  Records 


The  records  of  the  Connecticut  Historical  Society 
(volumes  vm  and  xn)  further  substantiate  the  details 
of  Samuel's  service  and  give  various  additional  items: 
"Supplies,  1777-79.  An  alphabetical  account  of  the 
names  of  those  who  have  received  supplies  from  towns, 
their  value  at  the  stated  price  of  1776  [fixed  by  the 
Assembly]  and  the  value  of  the  money  lodged  by  the 
soldiers  together  with  the  name  of  ye  town  to  which 
they  belong  ...  5  Samuel  Deforest,  Ensign,  Norwalk." 
(Volume  xii,  p.  28.)  There  are  several  such  accounts. 

Upon  deposit  by  the  soldier  of  a  proportion  of  his 
wages,  the  selectmen  of  the  town  to  which  he  belonged 
were  authorized  to  expend  said  amount  for  the  support 
of  the  soldier's  family. 

The  manuscripts  of  the  Connecticut  State  Library 
give  similar  items  in  fuller  detail. 

In  further  illustration  of  the  scale  of  expenditure 

of  the  Revolutionary  soldier  the  following  list  is  of 

interest: — 

Lieut.  Samuel  De  Forest,  Dr. 
July  20,  1780 


To  1  uneform  coat 

1  woolin  vest 

2  Linnin    " 
I  Pair  Woolin  Breeches 

1  "     Linnin 

2  shirts 
2  stocks 

2  Pair  Worsted  Hoes 
2    "      Linnin       " 
2    "      shoes 
I  Beavour  Hatt 


L9-00-0 
3-06-0 
2-08-0 
3-03-0 
1-10-0 
3-12-0 
0-14-0 

I-II-O 

1-00-0 
1-04-0 
2-00-0 


28-09-0 
For  which  I  paid  twenty-nine  Pounds  one  shilling. 

Miscellaneous  Rolls  and  Accounts,  vol.  xli,  p.  10. 

Uriah  de  Forest  (son  of  Hezekiah  and  grandson 
of  David  of  Wilton  1st). 

[   325   ] 


Appendix 

Private  in  Captain  Samuel  Comstock's  Company, 
9th  Regiment  Connecticut  Militia,  Lieutenant-Colonel 
John  Mead  commanding.  Company  pay  roll,  dated 
Fairfield,  May  15,  1777,  shows  that  Uriah  marched 
August  12,  1776,  discharged  September  28,  1776.  At 
New  York,  1776. 

Record  of  Conn.  Men  in  the  Revolution,  pp.  454,  458. 
United  States  War  Office  Records. 

David  de  Forest  of  Wilton  3rd  (son  of  David  of 
Wilton  2nd,  grandson  of  David  of  Wilton  1st). 

Private  in  Captain  Matthew  Mead's  Company,  5th 
Connecticut  Continental  Regiment,1  Colonel  David 
Waterbury  commanding.  Term  of  service :  May,  1775, 
to  December,  1775.  Served  in  the  Northern  Depart- 
ment and  engaged  in  the  siege  of  St.  John's,  Canada, 
October,  1775. 

Heitman's  Historical  Register  of  Continental  Officers. 

Continental  Regiments,  1775:  Returns  of  men  in 
service.  "Each  of  these  returns  sent  in  to  the  state  au- 
thorities from  the  different  towns  and  is  signed  by  the 
selectmen  of  the  town  from  which  it  is  sent  and  gives 
the  names  of  persons  resident  in  that  town  who  had 
been  employed  in  the  continental  service  in  1775  and 
who  under  a  law  passed  in  December  of  that  year  were 
exempted  from  the  payment  of  certain  taxes  to  the 
state.  .  .  .  Norwalk,  David  de  Forest." 

Coll.  Conn.  Hist.  Soc,  vol.  xn,  pp.  8,  9. 

The  following  items  are  also  of  record.  It  is  to  be 
questioned  whether  they  refer,  under  a  mistake  in  the 
dates,  to  the  service  of  1775  previously  stated,  or  to  a 
brief  term  of  service  in  one  of  the  two  regiments  raised 


*For  Regimental  record  see  Appendix,  pp.  322,  323,  footnotes. 

[  326  ] 


War  Records 


by  Colonels  Waterbury  and  Ward  which  served  early 
in  1776  at  New  York  and  Brooklyn.  The  rolls  are  in- 
complete. 

"One  David  Deforest,  rank  not  stated,  served  in 
Captain  Matthew  Mead's  Company,  Colonel  David 
Waterbury's  Regiment  of  Connecticut  troops.  A  com- 
pany pay  roll  dated  at  Stamford,  Fairfield  County, 
May  21,  1777,  shows  that  he  enlisted  January  12, 
1776,  and  was  discharged  January  15,  1776. 

United  States  War  Office  Records. 

Record  of  Conn.  Men  in  the  Revolution,  p.  387. 

"One  David  Deforest,  rank  not  stated,  served  in 
the  7th  Company  [Captain  Samuel  Comstock's],  9th 
Connecticut  Militia,  commanded  by  Lieutenant-Col- 
onel John  Mead.  The  company  pay  roll,  dated  at  Fair- 
field, May  15,  1777,  shows  that  he  marched  August 
12,  1776,  and  was  discharged  September  11,  1776." 

United  States  War  Office  Records. 

Record  of  Conn.  Men  in  the  Revolution,  p.  458. 

Isaac  de  Forest.1  (He  may  have  been  the  Isaac,  b. 
1761,  who  was  a  son  of  David  of  Wilton  2nd  and  whose 
brother  David,  six  years  his  senior,  had  responded  to 
the  first  call  for  troops  in  Connecticut  in  1775.  On  the 
other  hand,  it  may  have  been  Isaac,  b.  1758,  son  of 
Benjamin  of  Ripton.  It  is  impossible  to  verify  the  iden- 
tity of  this  soldier,  but  it  seems  probable  that  he  be- 
longed to  the  soldier  family  of  David  of  Wilton  1st.) 

Isaac  enlisted  as  a  private  in  October,  1777,  in  the 
9th  Regiment,  Connecticut  Militia.  An  Isaac,  prob- 
ably the  same  one,  in  May,  1778,  enlisted  as  a  pri- 
vate in  Colonel  Roger  Enos's  Regiment,  Connecticut 
Militia. 

1  Parentage  in  doubt. 

[  327  ] 


Appendix 


Lambert de  Forest  (David  Lambert)  of  Danbury(?) 
(son  of  Elihu  and  grandson  of  David  of  Wilton  1st). 

Private  in  Lieutenant-Colonel  Samuel  Canfleld's 
Regiment,  Connecticut  Militia,  September,  1781. 
Served  at  West  Point,  New  York. 

Record  of  Conn.  Men  in  the  Revolution,  p.  583. 

"  THE  FOUR  REVOLUTIONARY  BROTHERS  " 

Four  of  the  great-grandsons  of  David  of  Stratford 
who  served  honorably  in  the  Revolution  were  known 
as  "The  Four  Revolutionary  Brothers."  They  were 
Samuel,  Abel,  Mills,  and  Gideon,  sons  of  Joseph  of 
Moose  Hill  and  grandsons  of  Samuel  and  Abigail  of 
Moose  Hill. 

Their  records  are  as  follows :  — 

Samuel  de  Forest  {The  Fifer).1  A  private  in  Cap- 
tain Samuel  Blackman's  Company  of  Volunteers, 
Stratford,  Connecticut,  raised  for  the  defense  of  New 
York.  Term  of  service:  November  I,  1775,  to  April  15, 
1776;  served  in  New  York. 

Private  in  Captain  Beach  Tomlinson's  Company, 
4th  Regiment  Connecticut  Militia,  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Ichabod  Lewis  of  Stratford  commanding.  Term  of 
service:  July  1  to  September  20,  1776;  served  in  New 
York,  orderly  ("waiter")  to  Lieutenant  Peter  Curtiss. 

Private  in  Lieutenant  Isaac  Burr's  Company  Con- 
necticut Militia.  Term  of  service:  September,  1776, 
to  September,  1777;  served  at  Black  Rock,  Fairfield, 
Connecticut. 

Private  in  Captain  Wells's  and  Lieutenant  Enoch 
Davis's  Companies  May,  1778;  served  two  months 
and  ten  days  on  scout  duty  on  the  Hudson  River  near 

1  See  Narrative  of  Samuel  de  Forest,  p.  239  in  Volume  I. 

[  328  ] 


War  Records 


Peekskill,  New  York.  Dismissed  at  Fredericksburgh, 
New  Jersey. 

Sergeant  in  Connecticut  Militia,  drafted  for  two 
months'  service  at  Old  Stratford,  to  keep  guard. 

Private  in  Connecticut  Militia,  New  Haven,  Fair- 
field, and  Norwalk  Alarms,  July  5,  1779;  served  four- 
teen days  to  guard  towns.  No  commissioned  officer  in 
command. 

Narrative  of  Samuel  de  Forest. 

The  following  is  of  record. 

Samuel  de  Forest,  Fifer  in  Captain  Gamaliel  North- 
rup's  6th  Company,  1st  Battalion,  Wadsworth  Bri- 
gade Connecticut  State  Troops,  Colonel  Gold  S.  Silli- 
man.  Term  of  service:  June,  1776,  to  December  25, 
1777;  engaged  in  battles  of  Long  Island  and  White 
Plains. 

Record  of  Conn.  Men  in  the  Revolution,  pp.  393,  394. 

If  the  "Fifer"  mentioned  above  is  Samuel,  the  son 
of  Joseph  of  Moose  Hill,  it  is  evident  from  a  compari- 
son of  this  record  with  the  record  "Narrative"  of  Sam- 
uel that  the  terms  of  service  conflict.  It  is  conceivable, 
however,  that  the  Samuel  of  the  "Narrative"  enlisted 
with  Captain  Northrup's  Company  in  June,  1776,  and 
was  transferred  to  Captain  Tomlinson's  Company, 
4th  Connecticut  Militia,  with  which  body  we  know  him 
to  have  served  in  New  York  and  Long  Island. 

A  further  detail  of  evidence  is  given  below:  — 

"One  Samuel  Deforrest  served  as  a  fifer  in  Captain 
Gamaliel  Northrup  Jr.'s  Company  ...  in  service  1776. 
.  .  .  His  name  appears  on  a  muster  roll  of  the  Company 
dated  July  —  [1776  ?]  which  shows  that  he  was  twenty 
years  of  age.  [Samuel,  the  son  of  Joseph,  was  eighteen 

[  329  ] 


Appendix 

years  old  in  July,  1776.]  No  further  record  of  him  has 
been  found." 

United  States  War  Office  Records. 

Samuel  de  Forest  of  Ballston,  New  York,  pension 
certificate  No.  1,102  issued  October  26,  1832. 

Pension  Office  Records. 

Abel  de  Forest  (son  of  Joseph  of  Moose  Hill  and 
grandson  of  Samuel  of  Moose  Hill). 

Private  in  Lieutenant  Curtis's  1  Company  Connecti- 
cut Militia;  was  on  guard  at  Stratford;  year  not  known. 
[1777?] 

Declaration  of  Abel  de  Forest. 

Private  in  Captain  [Joseph]  Bennett's  Company, 
[Lieutenant]  Colonel  [Samuel]  Canfield's  Regiment, 
Connecticut  Militia,  January  1,  1778.  Served  three 
months;  discharged  at  Byram's  Bridge,  near  Horse- 
neck,  Connecticut. 

Private  in  Major  Eli  Leavenworth's  Company,  6th 
Regiment  Connecticut  Line,  Colonel  Return  Jonathan 
Meigs  commanding.  Enlisted  May  1,  1778  [presum- 
ably 1779]  for  eight  months,  mustered  in  June,  and 
joined  the  army  at  Quaker  Hill,  Dutchess  County, 
New  York,  and  went  from  there  to  Nelson's  Point, 
opposite  West  Point.  After  a  few  days  was  detached 
to  join  Meigs's  Light  Infantry  Regiment  at  Bedford, 
Westchester  County,  New  York.  Joined  Colonel  But- 
ler's Regiment  [2nd  Regiment,  Connecticut  Line  — 
Colonel  Zebulon  Butler],  discharged  at  Redding,  Con- 
necticut,   on   or   about  January    1,    1779   [probably 

1  Ephraim  Curtis  was  Lieutenant  of  the  4th  Regiment  of  Guards,  Con- 
necticut Militia,  Colonel  Samuel  Whiting,  raised  for  the  defense  of  Con- 
necticut in  March,  1777,  stationed  at  Fairfield  and  Stratford. 

Coll.  Conn.  Hist.  Soc,  vol.  vui,  p.  180. 

[  33°  ] 


War  Records 


Morristown  Huts,  1780],  after  having  rejoined  Colonel 
Meigs's  Regiment,  which  had  gone  into  winter  quar- 
ters at  that  place. 

Declaration  of  Abel  de  Forest, 

Abel  has  probably  confused  the  records  of  two  years. 
Meigs's  Light  Regiment  was  not  organized  until  July, 
1779,  and  so  Abel's  service  with  it  could  not  have  been 
in  1778.  He  probably  joined  in  the  attack  upon  Stony 
Point  unless  an  illness  to  which  he  refers  prevented. 

Abel  de  Forest's  name  does  not  appear  in  the  printed 
rosters  of  the  regiments  mentioned  in  that  part  of  his 
"Declaration"  quoted  above,  but  it  is  stated  on  the 
authority  of  Gideon  Welles  (Comptroller,  Connecti- 
cut, 1844),  in  a  letter  attached  to  the  "Declaration," 
that  there  is  "no  roll  of  Short  Levies  in  Col.  Meigs's 
Regt.  (6th)  1779  (if  returns  were  made  they  are  lost)." 
Abel  refers,  however,  to  Orderly  Sergeant  Worcester, 
undoubtedly  Walter  Wooster,  Sergeant  of  Major  Eli 
Leavenworth's  Company,  6th  Regiment,  1777-1780, 
and  to  Adjutant  Aaron  Benjamin  of  Stratford,  who 
was  Adjutant  of  Meigs's  Light  Infantry  Regiment, 
July,  1779,  as  men  with  whom  he  remembers  serving. 

For  Wooster  and  Benjamin,  see  Record  of  Conn.  Men  in  the  Revolution, 
pp.  207,  230,  241. 

The  following  record  for  the  summer  of  1780  is  re- 
ferred to  in  Abel's  Declaration  as  being  of  the  year 
1779.  This  is  manifestly  impossible  if  we  accept  his 
statement  that  he  was  with  Meigs's  Light  Regiment. 

Private  in  Captain  [James]  Burton's  Company,  Col- 
onel [John]  Mead's  Regiment  of  drafted  militia;  spring 
of  1779  [1780],  served  two  months  and  was  discharged 
at  Horseneck. 

Declaration  of  Abel  de  Forest. 

[  331   ] 


Appendix 


Private  in  Captain  [Benjamin]  Hickock's  Company 
[3rd  Regiment  Light  Horse,  Connecticut  Militia], 
Major  [Ezra]  Starr;  enlisted  June  or  July,  1779  [1780]; 
served  two  months  as  substitute  for  Ephraim  Black- 
man;  discharged  at  Horseneck. 

Declaration  of  Abel  de  Forest. 

The  Record  of  Service  of  Connecticut  Men  in  the 
War  of  the  Revolution,  p.  563,  verifies  the  names  of 
these  officers  as  of  .1780. 

Private  in  Captain  Thorp's  Company  of  drafted 
militia;  served  at  Stratford  and  Norwalk  two  months 
on  guard  duty,  1779  [1780]. 

Declaration  of  Abel  de  Forest. 

In  the  letter  from  Gideon  Welles  is  the  following 
notation:  — 

"Coast  Guard  Service 

Capt.  Thorp.  —  Jan.  25,  1779. 

Jan.  3,  1781. 
No   Pay-Rolls    found,    consequently   no   men's 


names." 


Private,  Lieutenant-Colonel  Jonathan  Johnson's 
Company,  5th  Connecticut  Regiment,  Connecticut 
Line,  Colonel  Philip  Burr  Bradley  commanding.  En- 
listed July  1,  1780,  discharged  December  12,  1780. 
(List  of  Levies.) 

Record  of  Conn.  Men  in  the  Revolution,  p.  203. 
Coll.  Conn.  Hist.  Soc,  vol.  xn,  p.  202. 
MSS.  Conn.  State  Library,  87a,  88a,  vol.  38. 

According  to  Abel's  Declaration,  he  was  "on  and 
about"  the  Hudson  River  during  the  summer  of  1780, 
in  the  neighborhood  of  Stony  Point,  and  in  the  State 
of  New  Jersey  until  time  to  go  into  winter  quarters. 
"Was  at  Tappan,  Headquarters,  at  the  time  of  Ar- 

[  332  ] 


War  Records 


nold's  treason  and  Andre's  execution  [October  2,  1780], 
which  he  witnessed.  Went  into  winter  quarters  at  a 
place  called  Connecticut  Huts  .  .  .  and  was  there  dis- 
charged." 1 

For  corroboration,  see  Record  of  Conn.  Men  in  the  Revolution,  p.  193. 

Private  in  2nd  Regiment,2  Connecticut  Line,  Colo- 
nel Heman  Swift  commanding;  Captain  Caleb  Bald- 
win's Company.  Enlisted  August  27,  discharged  De- 
cember 12,  1 78 1.    (Pay  Roll  of  Short  Levies.) 

Coll.  Conn.  Hist.  Soc,  vol.  vm,  p.  98. 

Of  his  service  at  this  period  Abel  states  that  he  was 
detailed  much  of  the  time  under  Corporal  [Thalmeno] 
Bishop  to  work  in  the  laboratory  making  cartridges. 
He  claims  to  have  been  discharged  January  I,  1782, 
but  of  this  we  have  no  further  record. 

Abel  de  Forest,  Otsego  County,  New  York.  Pen- 
sion certificate  No.  8,614  issued  March  22,  1833. 

Pension  Office  Records. 

Mills  de  Forest  (son  of  Joseph  of  Moose  Hill  and 
grandson  of  Samuel  of  Moose  Hill). 

Private  in  Captain  Joseph  Birdsey's  Company  Con- 
necticut Militia.  Served  two  months  from  February 
to  April,  1778,  as  a  volunteer.  Marched  to  Saw  Pitts,3 
New  York.   Stationed  on  guard  duty. 


1  There  is  some  confusion  in  Abel's  record  as  to  whether  he  served  in  the 
5th  Connecticut  or  in  the  7th  Connecticut  under  Colonel  Heman  Swift. 
The  record  as  to  dates  and  whereabouts  is  practically  identical  for  both 
regiments,  but  the  printed  rosters  indicate  only  the  service  in  Colonel 
Bradley's  command.  Abel  served  later  (1781)  under  Colonel  Swift  in  a 
different  formation.   See  text.  . 

2  Formation  of  1781-1783,  composed  of  the  5th  and  7th  Regiments  ot 
previous  formation.  Abel  continues  to  refer  to  it  as  the  7th  Regiment.  Col- 
onel Swift  commanded  under  both  formations. 

3  Now  Port  Chester,  then  a  point  of  military  importance. 

[  333  ] 


Appendix 


Private  in  Captain  Curtis's  1  Company,  Connecti- 
cut Militia.  Served  two  months  from  April  to  June, 
1778,  as  volunteer.  Stationed  at  Stratford;  guarded 
the  port. 

Declaration  of  Mills  de  Forest. 

Private  in  Continental  Army  (officers  and  regiment 2 
unknown),  serving  as  substitute  for  Elijah  Judson  of 
Stratford,  who  had  entered  for  six  months  and  fallen 
ill  soon  after  enlisting.  Relieved  Judson  at  White 
Plains  about  July,  1778.  Detached  under  command 
of  Major  [John?]  Grosvenor,  marched  to  Waterbury, 
Connecticut,  and  was  employed  in  making  the  military 
road  from  Hartford  to  Danbury  until  the  setting  in 
of  winter.  Marched  to  Redding,  Connecticut,  where 
troops  went  into  winter  quarters,  and  there  discharged. 

Declaration  of  Mills  de  Forest. 

Private  in  Captain  or  Lieutenant  Bailey's  militia 
company,  from  January,  1779.  Served  as  volunteer 
two  months.  Coast  guard  service. 

Private  in  Captain  Hinman's  Regiment  [13  th  Regi- 
ment Connecticut  Militia,  Colonel  Benjamin  Hinman 
commanding].  Served  two  months  at  Peekskill,  New 
York.   March,  1779? 

Declaration  of  Mills  de  Forest. 

Private  in   Captain  Elijah  Chapman's   Company, 

1  Connecticut  General  Assembly  in  1778  directed  that  six  battalions 
should  be  in  readiness  for  "any  tour  of  duty  wherever  the  militia  were  li- 
able to  be  called."  Eleazer  Curtis,  Jr.,  was  major  of  one  of  these  battalions, 
and  may  have  served  on  coast  guard  duty  before  going  to  the  Hudson  in 
June,  1778. 

R.R.  Hinman's  Historical  Collection  .  .  .  of  the  Part  Sustained  by  Conn, 
during  the  War  of  the  Revolution,  pp.  300-14. 

2  The  Third  Regiment,  Connecticut  Line  (1777-1781),  Samuel  Wyllys, 
Colonel,  was  encamped  at  White  Plains  with  Washington's  main  army  in 
the  summer  of  1778.  Wintered  at  Redding,  1778-79.  This  was  probably 
the  organization  Mills  entered  as  substitute. 

Record  of  Conn.  Men  in  the  Revolution,  p.  168. 


[  334  ] 


War  Records 


Fifth  Regiment,  Connecticut  Line,  Colonel  Philip 
Burr  Bradley,  enlisting  at  Stratford  in  June  or  July, 

1779,  for  six  months.  Joined  army  at  Nelson's  Point 
opposite  West  Point,  and  served  in  building  of  North 
Redoubt  at  Nelson's  Point,  which  was  completed  in 
October.  Guarded  redoubt.  Went  into  winter  quarters 
at  Morristown.  Met  with  a  severe  fall,  breaking  two 
ribs,  and  was  honorably  discharged  before  term  of  en- 
listment expired. 

Declaration  of  Mills  de  Forest. 

Enlisted  at  Stratford  July,  1780  [for  six  months], 
went  to  Danbury;  company  passed  muster  l  and  joined 
army  at  Nelson  Point.  Stationed  there  two  months; 
marched  thence  into  New  Jersey.  Stationed  at  Tappan 
and  saw  execution  of  Andre  [October  2,  1780]. 

Discharged  a  few  days  before  his  term  expired  "on 
account  of  the  severity  of  the  winter  and  the  scarcity 
of  provisions"  in  December,  1780. 

Mills's  Declaration  further  states  that  he  served  a 
part  of  his  term  in  the  regiment  commanded  by  Colo- 
nel Heman  Swift,  the  Seventh  Regiment,  Connecticut 
Line. 

Declaration  of  Mills  de  Forest. 

There  are  some  discrepancies  in  the  latter  part  of 
Mills's  Declaration,  but  his  whereabouts  and  service 
are  not  affected  by  his  uncertainty  as  to  which  regi- 
ment he  served  in. 

1  The  following  is  of  record:  Returns  from  Militia  of  1780:  State  of  Con- 
necticut to  Nehemiah  Beardsley,  payments  to  the  recruits  raised  within 
the  16th  regiment  to  join  Connecticut  Line  in  the  Continental  Army  in 

1780,  Dr.  Bounties  paid  them  in  July,  1780,  and  for  Blankets  as  follows: 
Mills  de  Forest. 

Coll.  Conn.  Hist.  Soc,  vol.  xn,  p.  222. 

It  appears  from  the  above  that  Mills  entered  the  Continental  army 
through  the  16th  Militia  Regiment  which,  as  he  says,  "passed  muster," 
presumably  at  Danbury. 

[  335  ] 


Appendix 

Pay  roll  of  the  Levies  in  Lieut.-Col.  Johnson's  Co. 
in  the  5th  Connecticut  Regiment  commanded  by 
Philip  B.  Bradley,  Col.  Mills  de  Forest:  Commence- 
ment of  pay:  July  1st. 

To  what  time  paid:  Dec.  14 

Town:  Stratford  [Indorsed]  1780 

Coll.  Conn.  Hist.  Soc,  vol.  xn,  p.  202. 

Record  of  Conn.  Men  in  the  Revolution,  p.  203. 

MSS.  Conn.  State  Library,  vol.  xxxvm,  88a. 

Private  in  Captain  [Charles]  Smith's  Company  [Con- 
necticut] Militia.  Regiment  commanded  by  Colonel 
Mead;  General  Waterbury's  Brigade.1  Volunteered 
March,  178 1,  at  Stratford  for  one  year.  Stationed  at 
Stamford,  guarding  the  lines,  and  also  with  Sutton 
scouting  expedition. 

Mills  left  with  his  mother  all  the  discharges  which  he 
had  received  during  his  war  services  but  they  were  lost. 

On  October  4,  1833,  Mills  was  placed  on  the  pension 
roll,  Vermont  No.  3,718.  On  February  20,  1835,  he  re- 
ceived notice  that  his  pension  was  stopped  and  his  name 
was  stricken  from  the  roll.  He  was  filled  with  indigna- 
tion and  could  apparently  get  no  explanation  from  the 
authorities.  In  April,  1835,  he  wrote  to  a  friend:  "There 
has  been  a  certain  scoundrel  in  this  vicinity  that  has 
written  to  the  War  Dept.  and  caused  several  Pensions 
suspended,  and  made  individuals  whose  Pensions  had 
been  stopped,  give  him  ^2  the  first  Draught  to  get  re- 
stored this  was  under  the  1st  Act.  I  hope  for  the  honor 
of  our  Country  that  it  is  not  the  case  now."  His  name 
was  evidently  replaced  on  the  roll  later  and  a  new  num- 
ber was  given  to  him,  Vermont  No.  18,801. 

Pension  Office  Records. 

1  Brigade  record,  March,  1781:  Raised  for  the  defense  of  Horseneck  and 
places  adjacent  and  for  coast-guard  service.  Joined  Washington  in  July 
at  Phillipsburg  and  was  under  Heath's  orders  in  Westchester. 

[  336  ] 


War  Records 


Gideon  de  Forest  (son  of  Joseph  of  Moose  Hill 
and  grandson  of  Samuel  of  Moose  Hill). 

Private  in  Captain  Joseph  Birdsey's  Company  Con- 
necticut Militia,  volunteering  at  Stratford  about  March 
I,  1778.  Discharged  at  Saw  Pitts,  New  York,  about 
May  1,  1778. 

Private  in  Captain  Thorp's  Company  [Captain 
Thorp  not  identified  in  printed  roster].  Enlisted  about 
August  1,  1778;  served  two  months;  discharged  at  Nor- 
walk. 

Private  in  Captain  Joseph  Birdsey's  Company  Con- 
necticut Militia.  Enlisted  about  October  1,  1778; 
served  two  months;  guard  duty  at  Stratford;  dis- 
charged at  Norwalk. 

Private  in  company  of  Lieutenant  [John  B.]  Judson 
of  Stratford,  Connecticut  Militia.  Enlisted  about 
June  1,  1779,  as  substitute  for  Lyman  Somers.  Guard 
duty  at  Stratford;  discharged  there  about  August  1, 
1779. 

Private  in  Captain  [Abel]  Botsford's  Company  of 
drafted  militia,  serving  as  substitute  for  Stilson  at 
Stratford.  Guard  duty  at  Middlesex,  Conn.  Term  of 
service,  about  December  1,  1779,  to  March,  1780. 

Private  in  Lieutenant  [John]  Odle's  [Odell's]  Com- 
pany Connecticut  Militia.  Guard  duty  at  Stratford. 
Term  of  service  about  October,  1780,  to  December  1, 
1780. 

Declaration  of  Gideon  de  Forest. 

Private  in  Captain  Charles  Smith's  Company,  1st 
Battalion,  Waterbury's  Brigade,  Connecticut  Militia, 
Major  Edward  Shipman.  Enlisted  about  March  1 
[April  20],  178 1,  for  one  year,  at  Stratford.  Joined  the 
Continental  Army  at  White  Plains  and  was  attached 

[  337  ] 


Appendix 


to  left  wing  of  Washington's  army.  Remained  there 
until  Washington  left  for  Yorktown.  Marched  to  Stam- 
ford, Connecticut,  built  garrison  and  huts,  and  went 
into  winter  quarters.  Was  in  battle  of  Frog's  Point. 
Discharged  there  March,  1782. 

Enlisted  March,  1783,  for  six  months,  whale-boat 
service  with  Captain  [John]  Barlow;  served  one  month; 
discharged  on  news  of  peace. 

Declaration  of  Gideon  de  Forest. 

Record  of  Conn.  Men  in  the  Revolution,  p.  572. 

Gideon  de  Forest,  Edmeston,  New  York,  pension 
certificate  No.  2,048  issued  November  15,  1832. 

Pension  Office  Records. 

Isaac  de  Forest  of  New  Milford  * 2  (son  of  Isaac  of 
Newtown  and  New  Milford  and  grandson  of  David  of 
Stratford). 

First  Lieutenant  7th  Company,  Captain  Reuben 
Bostwick  (of  Litchfield  Co.);  1st  Battalion,  Wads- 
worth's  Brigade,  Connecticut  State  Troops,  Colonel 
Gold  S.  Silliman.  Commissioned  June  14;  in  service 
to  September  25,  1776.  The  Battalion  was  engaged 
previous  to  September  25th  in  the  battle  of  Long 
Island  and  retreat  to  New  York;  narrowly  escaped 
capture  on  again  retreating  from  that  city;  posted  on 
Harlem  Heights. 

Record  of  Conn.  Men  in  the  Revolution,  p.  393. 
Colonial  Records  of  Conn.,  vol.  xv,  p.  426. 

Isaac's  commission  and  leather  wallet,  in  which  a 
bullet  lodged,  are  in  the  possession  of  some  of  his 
descendants. 

Book  of  Lineages,  Daughters  of  the  American  Revolution,  Washington, 
D.C.  Descendants. 


1  For  statement  of  the  reasons  for  connecting  Isaac  of  New  Milford  with 
the  line  of  David  of  Stratford,  see  Appendix,  p.  293. 

2  See  also  French  and  Indian  War  Record,  Appendix,  p.  320. 


[  338] 


War  Records 


"One  Isaac  Deforest  served  as  Lieutenant-Colonel 
in  the  First  Battalion  of  Connecticut  Troops.  His 
name  appears  only  on  the  list  dated  June,  1776,  which 
shows  him  as  one  of  the  officers  appointed  by  the  As- 
sembly to  take  command  of  the  six  battalions  ordered 
by  the  Assembly  to  be  raised  and  marched  directly  to 
New  York,  there  to  join  the  Continental  Army." 

United  States  War  Office  Records. 

We  have  no  supporting  evidence  of  the  statement 
that  Isaac  became  a  Lieutenant-Colonel  beyond  the 
fact  of  his  presence  in  the  New  York  campaign  with  the 
First  Battalion  as  mentioned  above. 

"At  the  battle  of  Ridgefield,  on  the  return  of  the 
British  from  the  burning  of  Danbury  [April  25-28, 
1777]  .  .  .  Lieut.  Deforest  was  shot  in  the  leg,  and  Capt. 
Ebenezer  Coe  who  commanded  the  same  company  was 
shot  in  the  head." 

Hinman's  Historical   Collection  ...  of  the  part  sustained  by  Conn, 
during  the  War  of  the  Revolution,  p.  117. 

Of  the  Lieutenant  de  Forests  of  whom  we  have  rec- 
ord, Elisha  was  not  commissioned  until  October,  1779; 
Samuel  was  in  camp  at  Peekskill,  New  York.  Al- 
though we  have  no  proof  of  Isaac's  whereabouts  at 
the  time  of  the  Danbury  raid,  it  seems  reasonable 
to  suppose  him  the  "Lieutenant  Deforest"  referred 
to. 

Ebenezer  Coe  is  recorded  among  the  invalid  pen- 
sioners of  Fairfield  County  as  Captain  of  the  4th 
Militia,  Colonel  Samuel  Whiting  commanding.  This 
regiment  was  raised  for  the  defense  of  Connecticut, 
March  1777,  and  was  stationed  at  Fairfield  and  Strat- 
ford—  presumably  at  the  time  of  the  raid. 

Coll.  Conn.  Hist.  Soc,  vol.  vm,  p.  181. 

[  339  ] 


Appendix 

Elisha  de  Forest  1  (son  of  Edward  of  Stratford  and 
grandson  of  David  of  Stratford). 

Appointed  Lieutenant  of  the  8th  Company  of  the 
Alarm  List  in  16th  Connecticut  Regiment,  Colonel 
Nehemiah  Beardsley  commanding,  October  8,  1779. 

Records  of  the  State  of  Conn.,  vol.  n,  p.  419. 
Conn.  Assembly  Records,  1779. 

Ensign  in  1780:  Received  £13-10-0  at  Fairfield  in 
1784,  bounty  for  seven  and  three  months'  service. 

MSS.  Conn.  State  Library,  vol.  40,  Revolutionary  War,  Receipts,  Rolls, 
and  Accounts,  26a. 

Family  records  show  that  Elisha  eventually  became 
a  captain. 

William  de  Forest  (son  of  Edward  of  Stratford 
and  grandson  of  David  of  Stratford). 

Private  in  Captain  Samuel  Whiting's  Company, 
5th  Connecticut  Continental  Regiment,2  Colonel  Da- 
vid Waterbury  commanding.  Enlisted  May  10,  1775, 
discharged  October  II,  1775.  Served  in  the  Northern 
Department;  engaged  at  the  siege  of  St.  John's, 
Canada,  October,  1775. 

Record  of  Conn.  Men  in  the  Revolution,  p.  65. 

Orcutt,  Rev.  Samuel.  History  of  Stratford  and  Bridgeport,  p.  1 107. 

Joseph  de  Forest  (son  of  Edward  of  Stratford  1st 
and  grandson  of  David  of  Stratford). 

Private  in  Captain  James  Booth's  Company  of 
Guards,  detached  from  the  4th  Regiment  Connecticut 
Militia,  Colonel  Samuel  Whiting  commanding,  raised 
for  the  defense  of  Connecticut  March,  1777,  and  sta- 
tioned  at   Fairfield   and   Stratford,   Connecticut,   by 


1  See  also  French  and  Indian  War  Record,  Appendix,  p.  322. 
1  For  Regimental  record,  see  Appendix,  pp.  322,  323,  footnotes. 


I     340     ] 


War  Records 


order  of  Brigadier-General  Silliman.  Term  of  Joseph's 
service,  fifteen  days. 

Coll.  Conn.  Hist.  Soc,  vol.  vm,  p.  181. 

This  company  may  have  been  present  at  the  Dan- 
bury  raid  in  April,  1777,  although  the  names  of  James 
Booth  and  Samuel  Whiting  do  not  appear  in  the  very 
incomplete  record  of  the  militia  officers  who  served 
at  that  time. 

Record  of  Conn.  Men  in  the  Revolution,  p.  492. 

James  de  Forest  x  (son  of  Edward  of  Stratford  2nd 
or  of  his  brother  John.  In  either  case  a  grandson  of 
Edward  of  Stratford  1st). 

Private  in  Captain  James  Booth's  Company  of 
Guards,  detached  from  the  4th  Regiment,  Connecti- 
cut Militia,  Colonel  Samuel  Whiting  commanding, 
raised  for  the  defense  of  Connecticut  March,  1777,  and 
stationed  at  Fairfield  and  Stratford,  Connecticut,  by 
order  of  Brigadier-General  Silliman.  Term  of  James's 
service,  fifteen  days. 

Coll.  Conn.  Hist.  Soc,  vol.  vm,  p.  181. 

This  company  may  have  been  present  at  the  Dan- 
bury  raid  in  April,  1777,  although  the  names  of  James 
Booth  and  Samuel  Whiting  do  not  appear  in  the  very 
incomplete  record  of  the  militia  officers  who  served  at 
that  time. 

Record  of  Conn.  Men  in  the  Revolution,  p.  492. 

Henry  de  Forest  (son  of  Henry  of  Moose  Hill  and 
grandson  of  David  of  Stratford). 

Private  in  Captain  Samuel  Whiting's  Company, 
5th    Connecticut    Continental     Regiment,2    Colonel 

1  Parentage  in  doubt. 

2  For  Regimental  record,  see  Appendix,  pp.  322,  323,  footnotes. 


[  34i  ] 


Appendix 

David  Waterbury  commanding.  Enlisted  May  10, 
1775,  discharged  October  II,  1775.  Served  in  the 
Northern  Department;  engaged  at  the  siege  of  St. 
John's,  Canada,  October,  1775. 

Record  of  Conn.  Men  in  the  Revolution,  p.  65. 
Orcutt's  History  of  Stratford  and  Bridgeport,  p.  1 107. 

Timothy  de  Forest  (son  of  Henry  of  Moose  Hill 
and  grandson  of  David  of  Stratford). 

Private  in  Captain  Elijah  Abel's  Company,  Colonel 
Philip  Burr  Bradley's  Battalion,  one  of  the  seven  bat- 
talions in  Wadsworth's  Brigade  of  Connecticut  State 
Troops.  Term  of  service:  enlisted  June  30,  1776,  taken 
prisoner  with  the  entire  garrison  at  the  fall  of  Fort 
Washington,  November  16,  1776. 

Record  of  Conn.  Men  in  the  Revolution,  p.  415. 
United  States  War  Department  Records. 

Nehemiah  de  Forest  (son  of  Benjamin  of  Rip  ton 
and  grandson  of  David  of  Stratford). 

Private  in  Captain  John  Yates's  Company  of  Rip- 
ton  Parish,  Connecticut  Militia.   Enlisted  January  I, 

1777. 

"Minute  Men  and  Volunteers:  —  In  Rip  ton  Parish 
32  able-bodied  men  have  enlisted  and  chosen  their 
officers  as  follows,  January  I,  1777  .  .  .  Nehemiah  De 
Forest." 

Record  of  Conn.  Men  in  the  Revolution,  p.  612. 

Corporal  in  Captain  Joseph  Birdsey's  Company, 
4th  Regiment,  Connecticut  Militia,  Colonel  Samuel 
Whiting.  Regiment  commanded  by  Lieutenant-Colo- 
nel Jonathan  Dimon.  Term  of  service,  October  5  to 
October  27,  1777.  Served  at  Peekskill,  New  York,  to 
reinforce  Putnam  during  the  Burgoyne  Campaign. 

Record  of  Conn.  Men  in  the  Revolution,  pp.  514,  515. 
United  States  War  Office  Records. 

[     342    ] 


War  Records 


Corporal  in  Captain  Joseph  Birdsey's  Company, 
4th  Connecticut  Militia.  Term  of  service  5  days,  July 
4th  to  8uh. 

"A  pay  Roll  of  Capt.  Joseph  Birdsey's  Company 
in  Col.  Whiting's  regiment  in  a  tower  [tour];  at  the 
Alarm  at  New  Haven  and  from  their  to  Fairfield  which 
was  five  days  in  searvice  .  .  .  Cor.  N.  Deforest." 

Coll.  Conn.  Hist.  Soc,  vol.  vm,  p.  190. 

George  de  Forest.1  This  soldier  was  the  son  of 
John  de  Forest  and  Huldah  Nichols  of  Danbury,  but 
the  parentage  of  this  John  it  has  not  proved  possible 
to  establish.  George  was  on  duty  as  a  private  for  a 
short  time  only.  Before  the  war  he  was  a  school  teacher 
in  West  Hoosac,  New  York,  and  afterwards  moved 
to  Massachusetts,  where  he  raised  a  large  family  of 
children. 

John,1  William,1  and  Archibald1  de  Forest,  his 
brothers,  according  to  the  family  records  served  in  the 
Revolutionary  War  for  seven  years  each. 

Reuben  de  Forest  (also  known  as  De  Frees),  b. 
December  14,  1752;  m.  Hannah  .  Son  of  An- 
thony de  Forest  and  Martha his  wife,  who  came 

to  Stamford  between  1760  and  1775.  Reuben  enlisted 
at  Pound  Ridge,  New  York,  but  lived  at  Stamford 
after  the  war  until  about  1797,  when  he  removed  to 
New  Canaan.    Connection  with  David  of  Stratford 

not  known.1 

Private  in  Captain  Jonathan  Piatt's  Company,  4th 

1  Not  shown  on  chart.  Descent  from  David  of  Stratford  probable,  but  the 
author  has  not  been  able  to  verify. 


[  343  ] 


Appendix 

New  York  Continental  Regiment,  Colonel  James 
Holmes  ("who  afterwards  went  to  the  enemy")  com- 
manding. Enlisted  at  Pound  Ridge,  New  York,  for 
nine  months  [April  to  December,  1775]  "the  first  year 
the  troops  went  north  .  .  .  when  St.  John's  was  taken 
by  the  Americans."  Served  at  Lake  George.  Dis- 
charged [probably  at  Albany]  and  went  thence  to  Long 
Island.  Discharge  was  written  on  birch-bark  for  lack 
of  paper. 

Declaration  of  Reuben  de  Forest.  _ 

For  names  of  officers:  Heitman's  Historical  Register  of  Officers  of  the 
Continental  Army,  pp.  226,  330. 

Reuben's  name  appears  on  the  roster  of  the  4th  New 
York  Continental  Regiment  as  "Reuben  De  Frees." 

New  York  in  the  Revolution,  p.  34. 

Private  in  Captain  David  Waterbury's  Company, 
5th  Connecticut  Continental  Regiment,  Colonel  David 
Waterbury.   Served  four  or  five  months. 

Declaration  of  Reuben  de  Forest. 

This  regiment  marched  first  to  New  York  and  then 
to  the  Northern  Department.  Served  from  May  to 
December,  1775.  Peter  Smith,  mentioned  in  the  Dec- 
laration of  Reuben  de  Forest,  was  a  private  in  the  above 
company. 

Record  of  Conn.  Men  in  the  Revolution,  p.  64. 

Following  this  service  Reuben  appears  in  some  five 
enlistments  of  uncertain  dates  and  varying  from  a  few 
days'  service  to  one  of  a  year.  The  general  period  is 
from  1776  to  1780.  According  to  his  Declaration,  he 
enlisted  in  the  spring  —  undoubtedly  of  1776  —  but 
he  gives  no  details  of  officers  or  service.  Probably  his 
next  enlistment  was  as  follows: — 

Private  in  the  company  of  Captain  Nathaniel  Webb, 

[  344  ] 


War  Records 


Jr.,  9th  Regiment  Connecticut  Militia,  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  John  Mead  commanding.  Sylvanus  Knapp, 
recorded  as  lieutenant  of  the  company,  was  acting  cap- 
tain because  Nathaniel  Webb  was  absent  and  sick. 

Declaration  of  Reuben  de  Forest. 

Reuben  believes  this  service  to  have  been  in  the  fall 
of  1775,  when  we  know  him  to  have  been  elsewhere. 
It  undoubtedly  should  be  identified  with  the  service 
referred  to  as  follows:  — 

"Next  summer  came  a  requisition  for  the  Militia  of 
Connecticut.  Went  again  to  New  York.  —  [Sylvanus] 
Knapp  commanding.  Served  two  months.  Was  in 
New  York  when  Americans  retreated  before  the  Bri- 
tish. About  Harvest-time  in  July  [August].  Summer 
of  1776.  Reached  Kingsbridge,  was  taken  sick,  and 
left  the  service."  When  Reuben  was  in  New  York,  per- 
haps at  this  time,  a  cannon  ball  fell  upon  his  foot, 
causing  a  permanent  lameness. 

Declaration  of  Reuben  de  Forest. 

Reuben  states  that  he  was  engaged  in  fighting  the 
"Cow  Boys,"  under  Bob  Simmons,  partly  in  New  York 
State  —  North  Castle,  Middle  Patmos  [Middle  Pat- 
ent, Westchester  County],  and  Frog's  Point.  Service 
of  two  months.   Year  not  known. 

Declaration  of  Reuben  de  Forest. 

Private  in  Captain  Charles  Smith's  Company,  Con- 
necticut Militia,  1778  or  1779.  Served  one  year  at 
least.  Engaged  in  pursuit  of  "Cow-Boys."  Served  in 
Stamford  and  neighboring  towns,  Greenwich,  Rye, 
etc.  Coast  guard  service.  "The  Sound  was  full  of 
British  Cruisers  and  it  was  apprehended  that  they 
would  burn  the  town." 

Declaration  of  Reuben  de  Forest. 

[  345  ] 


Appendix 


This  Company  served  at  Horseneck  [North  Green- 
wich, Connecticut]  April  I  to  November  I,  1779. 

Coll.  Conn.  Hist.  Soc,  vol.  vm,  p.  207. 

Private  in  Captain  Thomas  Hunt's  Company,  Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Frederick  Weisenfel's  Regiment  of 
New  York  Levies.  Enlisted  for  five  months.  Lay  at 
North  Castle,  New  York,  then  went  to  Saratoga.  Gen- 
eral Schuyler  in  command.  At  Saratoga  heard  of  Corn- 
wallis'  surrender;  recalls  sending  up  of  sky-rockets 
and  rejoicing  among  the  troops  when  news  came. 

New  York  Levies  were  raised  for  the  further  de- 
fense of  the  State,  November  2,  1781.  Reuben's  name 
spelled  "Deforege,  Reuben." 

Declaration  of  Reuben  de  Forest. 

New  York  State  Archives,  vol.  1,  p.  356. 

De  Forest,  Reuben,  resident  of  Fairfield  County, 
Connecticut,  among  list  of  pensioners,  Act  of  1832. 

Record  of  Conn.  Men  in  the  Revolution,  p.  650. 

Reuben  de  Forest  of  Stamford,  Connecticut,  pen- 
sion certificate  No.  17,906  issued  October  10,  1833. 

Pension  Office  Records. 

Ebenezer  de  Forest1  of  Stamford,  Connecticut, 
b.  1749.  Undoubtedly  a  brother  of  Reuben  and  the 
son  of  Anthony  and  Martha  of  Stamford.  After  the 
war  resided  at  Pound  Ridge,  Westchester  County, 
New  York.  Applied  for  pension  October,  1832,  saying 
that  he  was  then  eighty-two  years  of  age,  "poor,  blind 
and  infirm."  Pension  paid  for  only  two  years,  prob- 
ably owing  to  his  death.  Connection  with  David  of 
Stratford  not  known. 

Corporal  in  Captain  Jonathan  Piatt's  Company 
[4th  New  York  Continental  Regiment],  Colonel  James 

1  Not  shown  on  chart. 

[  346] 


War  Records 


Holmes    commanding.     Enlisted    at   Fairfield,   April, 

1775,  for  nine  months;  marched  to  Albany.  Proceeded 
under  General  Schuyler  to  Canada  via  Lake  George. 
Served  on  frontier  until  near  expiration  of  term. 
Marched  to  Albany  and  discharged  January,  1776.  Re- 
calls names  of  Captain  Daniel  Mills  and  Lieutenant 
David  Dan  [officers  in  4th  New  York  Continental  Reg- 
iment]. 

Declaration  of  Ebenezer  de  Forest. 

For  names  of  officers:  Heitman's  Historical  Register  of  Officers  of  the 
Continental  Army,  pp.  226,  330. 

Corporal  in  Captain  Silvanus  Brown's  Company, 
1st  Battalion  Wadsworth's  Brigade,  Connecticut  State 
Troops,  Colonel  Gold  S.  Silliman  commanding.  En- 
listed as  a  volunteer  for  nine  months.  Term  of  service, 
April,  1776,  to  January,  1777.  Discharged  at  West- 
chester, New  York. 

Declaration  of  Ebenezer  de  Forest. 

This  regiment  was  engaged  in  battle  of  Long  Island, 
August  27,  1776;  in  retreat  to  New  York,  August  29- 
30,  1776,  and  in  battle  of  White  Plains  October  28, 

1776.  Rolls  incomplete. 

Record  of  Conn.  Men  in  the  Revolution,  p.  393. 

Private  in  Captain  Ebenezer  Ferris's  Company, 
Connecticut  Militia.  Drafted  May,  1777;  served  two 
months  as  guard  at  Stamford. 

Private  in  Captain  Jonathan  Waring's  Company, 
Connecticut  Militia.  Drafted  July,  1778;  served  three 
months  as  guard  at  Horseneck,  Connecticut. 

Private  in  same  company;  drafted  in  the  spring  of 
1779  to  protect  Fairfield,  Connecticut,  against  depre- 
dations of  British  and  Refugees.  Served  three  months. 

In  service  at  various  times  from  1779  to  close  of 
the  war,  in  Captain  Waring's  Company,  Colonel  John 

[  347  ] 


Appendix 


Mead  commanding.    Services  during  this  period  cov- 
ered about  three  months. 

Declaration  of  Ebenezer  de  Forest. 

Ebenezer  de  Forest  of  Pound  Ridge,  New  York, 
pension  certificate  No.  6,190  issued  February  25,  1833. 

Pension  Office  Records. 

Anthony  de  Forest,1  undoubtedly  a  brother  of 
Reuben  and  Ebenezer  and  the  son  of  Anthony  and 
Martha  of  Stamford.  Connection  with  David  of  Strat- 
ford not  known. 

1  Not  shown  on  chart. 


DEEDS    AND    OTHER    PAPERS 

1636.  Kiliaen  van  Rensselaer  and  Gerard  de  Forest.  Con- 
tract concerning  the  Rensselaerswyck. 

1636.  Hendrick  de  Forest.  Declaration  concerning  his  treatment 
by  the  patroons  of  New  Netherland. 

1639.  Jean  de  Forest.  Petition  relating  to  the  estate  of  Hendrick 
de  Forest. 

1639.  Andries  Hudde  and  Gertrude  Bornstra.  Marriage 
banns. 

1645.  Isaack  de  Forest.  Grant  of  land  on  the  Marcktveldt  and 
land  for  his  garden. 

1652.  Jan  Verbrugge  from  Jan  Labatie.  Deed  for  land  on 
Brouwer  Straet. 

1653.  Isaack  de  Forest  from  Jan  Verbrugge.  Deed  for  land 
on  Brouwer  Straet. 

1699.  David  de  Forest.  Deed  for  his  house  and  house  lot  in  Strat- 
ford- 
1721-25.  David  de  Forest.  Papers  relating  to  the  distribution  of 

his  estate. 
1725/6.     Samuel  de  Forest.    Deed  from  Samuel  Peat  for  land 

in  Stratford. 
1732.   Samuel  de  Forest.   Deed  for  property  on  Moose  Hill. 
1733/4.    Samuel  de  Forest  and    Samuel  Peat.     Sale  of  their 

house  and  lot  in  Stratford. 
1737.  David  de  Forest  of  Wilton  sells  his  father's  Stratford  home- 
stead to  Ephraim  Clark  of  Stratford. 
1767.   Nehemiah  de  Forest.    Deed  from  his  father,  Samuel,  for 

15  acres  of  land  at  Moose  Hill. 
1769.    Nehemiah  de  Forest.   Deed  from  his  father,  Samueh  for 

15  additional  acres  of  land  and  half  of  his  barn  at  Moose  Hill. 
1797.   Nehemiah  de  Forest  sells  to  Nathan  Wheeler  and  others 

the  inn  and  the  surrounding  land  at  New  Stratford. 
1804.   Lockwood  de  Forest  and  others  buy  a  house  and  land  in 

New  Haven  from  James  Bonticou.  . 

1804.  Lockwood  de  Forest  and  others  buy  2  stores  on  the  Union 

Wharf  at  New  Haven  from  Andrew  Hull,  Jr. 


t  349  ] 


Appendix 

Contract  between  Kiliaen  van  Rensselaer  and 
Gerard  de  Forest  made  before  Notary  van  de 
Ven  August  8,  1636. 1 

In  the  manner  and  upon  the  conditions  hereinafter 
written,  Mr  Kiliaen  van  Rensselaer  with  his  associates 
of  the  first  part  and  Mr  Gerrit  de  forest  of  Leyden  with 
his  associates  of  the  second  part  have  agreed  with  one 
another  concerning  the  act  of  buying,  arming,  and 
equipping  for  joint  account  the  vessel,  now  called  "  Ren- 
sselaerswyck"  and  also  concerning  the  cargo,  profits, 
and  returns  of  the  same,  namely. 

First:  The  Purchase  and  Expenses  of  the  above- 
mentioned  vessel  with  its  equipment  and  armament 
shall  be  precisely  computed  and  charged  and  the  net 
amount  thereof  shall  be  paid  by  both  parties,  one  half 
each. 

Second:  The  Cargo  of  an  estimated  value  of  about 
from  six  to  seven  thousand  guilders  shall  also  be  bought 
and  paid  for,  one  half  each. 

Third:  The  cost  of  Victuals  for  10  or  12  persons  for 
a  year  with  two  months'  wages  in  hand  shall  likewise 
be  defrayed  equally  by  both  parties. 

The  goods  destined  for  the  Colony  and  the  people 
that  have  been  engaged  to  sail  for  the  Colony  shall  be 
paid  by  Mr  Rensselaer  alone  and  shall  not  be  charged 
to  this  account. 

The  above-mentioned  vessel  shall  with  God's  help 
sail  at  the  first  opportunity  for  New  Netherland  and 
shall  convey  the  people  if  it  does  not  freeze  as  soon  as 
possible  to  the  Colony  of  Rensselaerswyck,  unless  a 
means  should  be  found  at  the  Manhattans  to  convey 
the  people  thence  up  the  river  into  the  Colony. 

1  Notarial  Records,  Amsterdam.   [Translation.] 
[     350    ] 


Deeds  and  Other  Papers 


For  conveying  the  settlers  and  the  merchandise  for 
the  Colony  the  above-mentioned  Rensselaer  shall  allow 
Gerrit  de  forest  and  his  associates  to  share  the  right 
which  as  Patroon  of  New  Netherland  he  has  by  virtue 
art.  13  of  the  granted  Freedoms1  to  sail  and  traffic 
along  the  entire  coast  from  Florida  to  Terra-Neuf  and 
also  the  privilege  to  sail  to  the  West  Indies  for  timber, 
salt,  and  other  merchandise  in  accordance  with  the 
Rules  and  Regulations,  and  the  Command  of  the  Prince 
of  Orange. 

And  whichever  of  both  parties  desires  to  insure  any- 
thing of  the  ship  or  the  goods  either  on  the  outward 
voyage  or  the  home  voyage  shall  have  to  do  so  for  his 
own  account  and  not  for  joint  account. 

The  partnership  and  joint  enterprise  aforesaid  to 
last  a  year,  provisionally,  unless  the  goods  should  be 
sold  earlier,  or  Mr  Rensselaer  and  Gerrit  de  forest  or 
their  agent  whom  they  have  in  that  country  or  may 
still  appoint  should  deem  it  advisable  to  send  the  goods 
sooner  to  the  fatherland;  who  also  shall  have  the  right 
to  regulate  the  traffic  of  the  vessels  within  the  limits 
mentioned. 

And  arriving  at  the  Manhattans  they  shall  endeavor 
to  obtain  a  suitable  warehouse  in  order  to  store  therein 
the  goods  landed  and  the  return  cargo  shall  be  stored 
therein,  provided  the  Director  be  paid  the  duties  on 
the  goods  sold,  being  a  duty  of  5  p  Ct.  for  the  W.  I. 
Company,  according  to  the  aforesaid  Freedoms. 

Both  parties  to  pay  one  half  each  of  this  also. 

If  the  crew  of  the  vessel  shall  discover  any  minerals, 
pearls,  fisheries,  saltpans,  or  anything  else,  a  liberal 
reward  shall  be  given  to  the  first  finder  and  the  find 

1  Freedoms  and  Exemptions,  granted  June  7,  1629. 

[  35i  ] 


Appendix 

shall  belong  to  the  joint  owners  of  the  vessel  and  the 
goods. 

In  the  manner  hereinbefore  written  the  parties  have 
agreed  and  they  mutually  promise  to  keep  and  execute 
this  agreement  and  everything  that  appertains  to  it, 
binding  therefor  their  persons  and  properties,  movable 
and  immovable,  present  and  future,  submitting  the 
whole  and  any  part  thereof  to  the  jurisdiction  of  all 
courts  and  judges. 

Expressly  and  deliberately  waiving  all  privileges, 
exceptions,  subterfuges,  means,  expedients,  and  immu- 
nities which  either  party  might  benefit  by  or  take  ad- 
vantage of  in  violation  of  these  presents;  in  particular, 
accepting  the  judicial  rule  that  a  general  waiver  is  of 
no  value,  unless  a  special  waiver  precedes;  all  in  good 
faith  and  without  fraud. 

This  contract  both  parties  have  signed  with  their 
own  hands  in  the  presence  of  me,  the  undersigned  not- 
ary public,  at  Amsterdam  the  8th  day  of  August,  A.D. 
1636. 

(Signed)         Kiliaen  van  Rensselaer 
Ger'd  des  forest 
J.  v[an]  d[e]  Ven 

Notary  Public. 

Declaration  of  Hendrick  de  Forest  made  before 
Notary  Coren  at  Amsterdam,  September  10,  1636.1 

Appeared  &c. 
.Hendrick  de  Forest,  residing  within  this  city*,  about  to 
sail  on  the  ship  Renselaerszvyck  as  merchant  and  mate, 
from  this  city  to  New  Netherland. 

1  Notarial  Records,  Amsterdam.  [Translation.] 
[    352    ] 


Deeds  and  Other  Papers 


And  declared  that  he,  the  deponent,  on  the  19th  of 
December  163 1  was  engaged  by  the  Patroons  of  New 
Netherland  for  thirty  guilders  a  month  to  fill  the  place 
of  Jelis  Hoeset  at  Swanendael  in  New  Netherland ;  that 
owing  to  the  sad  tidings  coming  from  New  Netherland 
the  above-mentioned  gentlemen  changed  their  minds 
and  did  not  think  it  advisable  to  settle  any  people  at 
Swanendael  for  the  time  being,  in  consequence  of 
which  he,  the  deponent,  after  having  waited  in  this 
country  for  orders  from  the  aforesaid  gentlemen  for 
five  months  after  he  had  been  engaged,  was  at  last 
sent  out  by  the  aforesaid  gentlemen  on  one  of  their 
ships,  with  orders  to  allow  himself  to  be  employed  in 
whatever  he  should  be  found  to  be  capable  of  doing, 
without  any  other  arrangement  concerning  wages  be- 
ing made  with  him,  the  deponent. 

That  the  deponent  having  thereupon  gone  on  board 
ship  was  appointed  and  employed  first  as  lay-reader 
or  person  to  offer  up  prayers,  and  shortly  after,  the 
steward  being  a  drunkard,  as  steward  or  clerk  of  the 
victuals.  That  the  deponent  has  faithfully  and  dili- 
gently performed  the  duties  of  said  offices,  gone  on 
expeditions  and  mounted  guard,  taken  his  turn  at  the 
wheel,  worked  in  the  saltpans  in  his  turn  and  carted 
salt  and  faithfully  observed  his  duty  in  everything 
with  which  he  was  charged  for  the  space  of  five  months 
and  eight  days,  until,  with  the  captain's  consent,  on 
the  island  of  St.  Martin,  he  entered  the  service  of  the 
General  Chartered  West  India  Company,  so  that  he, 
the  deponent,  has  been  in  the  employ  of  the  aforesaid 
Patroons  and  at  their  disposal  for  more  than  10  months, 
without  thus  far  having  been  satisfied  therefor. 

And    whereas,    owing    to    his    aforesaid    intended 


[  353  ] 


Appendix 


voyage,  it  is  not  convenient  for  him,  the  deponent,  to 
demand  his  due  from  the  aforesaid  Patroons  and  to 
sue  them  for  it,  he,  the  deponent,  hereby  appoints  and 
empowers  in  the  best  form  [possible  to  him]  his  uncle 
Gerrit  de  Forest,  residing  at  Leyden,  to  demand  and 
to  receive  from  the  above-mentioned  Patroons,  in  the 
name  of  him,  the  principal,  all  moneys  to  which  the 
principal  is  justly  entitled  by  reason  of  the  said  ser- 
vices; to  execute  a  quittance  for  whatever  he,  the 
attorney,  receives,  and  to  guarantee  against  further 
claims.  Also,  if  necessary,  to  institute  legal  proceed- 
ings, to  act  either  as  plaintiff  or  defendant,  to  observe 
all  terms  of  court,  to  take  the  oath  of  good  faith  and 
all  other  oaths  which  the  law  allows  him  to  take  in 
the  name  of  the  principal,  to  conclude  the  pleadings,  to 
demand  judgment,  to  hear  the  same  pronounced  and 
to  have  it  executed,  or,  if  he  feels  aggrieved,  to  appeal 
therefrom  and  to  apply  for  review  on  account  of  all 
other  grievances  and  exceptions,  to  prosecute  the  said 
appeal  or  review,  or  to  withdraw  same,  as  in  his  judg- 
ment seems  best.  Also,  if  the  attorney  sees  fit,  to  com- 
promise, adjust,  and  settle  [the  differences]  and  further 
in  general  to  do  all  that  he,  the  principal,  being  [pres- 
ent] might  do  or  ought  to  do  according  to  the  custom, 
usage,  and  practice  of  the  court  here  or  in  other  places 
for  the  conscientious  recovery  of  that  to  which  he  is 
duly  entitled  as  aforesaid. 

All  with  power  of  substitution  and  promise  to  hold 
and  cause  to  be  held  as  valid  whatever  shall  be  done 
and  performed  in  the  premises  by  the  said  attorney  or 
his  substitute,  and  to  indemnify  them  for  and  protect 
them  against  any  loss  or  damage  that  may  result  there- 
from, under  binding  obligation  according  to  law,  with- 

[  354  ] 


Deeds  and  Other  Papers 


out  fraud,  an  authentic  instrument  hereof  being  re- 
quested. 

Done,  etc.  in  presence  of  Warnaer  Warnaerts  and 
Adriaen  Jacobse,  residents  etc.,  the  ioth  of  September 
1636. 

(Signed)         Hendrick  De  forest 
W.  Warnaers 

1636 
Adryaen  Jacobse 
1636 
Quod  attestor  rogati[on]e 
Coren 

Not5  Publ. 

Petition  of  Jean  de  Forest  Relative  to  the  Estate 
of  Hendrick  de  Forest,  January  4,  1639. 1 

This  day  the  fourth  of  January  XVI  C  nine  and 
thirty  appeared  before  me,  Notary  public,  and  before 
the  witness  named  below  Jean  de  foreest,  dyer,  resid- 
ing within  this  city,  on  his  own  behalf  and  also  as  guard- 
ian of  Isaac  de  foreest,  his  minor  brother,  co-heirs  of 
Henrick  du  foreest,  the  appearer's  brother,  deceased 
within  Virginia,  having  in  the  best  form  and  in  the 
best  possible  manner  within  his  power  appointed  and 
authorized  Jacob  Bonasse,  city  packer-within  Amster- 
dam, in  particular  with  Geertruyt  van  Bornstra,  widow 
of  the  aforesaid  Henrick  foreest  to  settle,  divide,  and 
distribute  the  property  and  estate  of  the  said  Henrick 
foreest;  to  sell  and  to  convert  into  money  the  property, 
whether  movable  or  immovable,  in  Amsterdam,  in  Vir- 
ginia or  elsewhere,  or  to  have  it  sold  by  another  com- 
petent person,  chosen  by  him,  the  attorney,  for  this 

1  Notarial  Records,  Leyden.  [Translation.] 

[  355  ] 


Appendix 


purpose;  and  to  collect,  recover,  levy,  and  receive  the 
moneys  proceeding  therefrom  so  far  as  he,  the  principal, 
is  concerned;  to  acknowledge,  sign,  and  give  receipt; 
and  also  to  invest  the  share  that  shall  be  allotted  to 
Isaac  deforest,  his  minor  brother,  at  the  Orphan  Cham- 
ber of  Amsterdam  on  behalf  of  the  aforesaid  Isaac; 
and  further  in  general  to  do,  observe,  and  perform  in 
the  premises  all  that  he,  the  principal,  if  he  were  pres- 
ent in  each  case,  could  do  therein,  even  if  for  the  pur- 
poses aforesaid  an  ampler  and  more  specific  power  of 
attorney  than  .this  should  be  required;  also  with  au- 
thority to  substitute  one  or  more  persons  with  the  like 
or  more  limited  power  and  to  revoke  such  power  of  at- 
torney if  he  sees  fit  to  do  so. 

The  principal  promises  to  hold  as  good,  firm,  binding, 
and  valid  and  to  cause  to  be  so  held  by  everybody  all 
that  shall  be  done  and  performed  in  the  premises  by 
the  aforesaid  attorney  or  his  substitutes  under  sub- 
mission [of  his  person  and  property]  as  by  law  provided, 
with  this  reservation,  that  at  the  request  of  the  prin- 
cipal the  attorney  remains  bound  to  render  due  ac- 
count of  his  acts  and  to  submit  sufficient  proof  and 
vouchers. 

Thus  done  within  Leyden,  the  day  and  year  afore- 
said, at  my  notarial  office,  in  the  presence  of  Claes  van 
Sonnevelt  and  Dirck  Moy  as  witnesses  hereto  invited. 
Which  I  certify.  (Signed)     Jan  des  forest 

(Signed)     M.  van  Sonnevelt      C  V  Sonnevelt 

Notary  Public  1639  1639 

D.  Moy 


[   356  ] 


Deeds  and  Other  Papers 


Marriage  Banns  of  Andries  Hudde  and  Gertrude 
Bornstra  January  6,  1639.1 

Appeared  as  above,  Andries  Huddens,  from  Cam- 
pen,  aged  30  years,  assisted  by  Domine  Otthe  Badius, 
living  on  Prince  street,  and  Geertruyt  Borrenstra,  of 
Amsterdam,  aged  24  years,  widow  of  Heyndrick  de 
Foreest,  assisted  by  Wybrant  Andresz,  her  father, 
living  on  Sand  street. 

Requesting  proclamation  of  the  banns  on  three  Sun- 
days, in  order  that  thereafter  their  intended  marriage 
may  be  solemnized  and  completed  if  no  legal  impedi- 
ment occur.  And  whereas  they  declared  it  to  be  the 
truth  that  they  were  unmarried  persons  and  were  not 
related  to  each  other  by  blood  in  a  way  which  would 
prevent  a  Christian  marriage,  permission  to  have  the 
banns  proclaimed  has  been  granted  them. 

(Signed)     A.  Hudde         Geertruyt  Bornstra 

In  the  margin  is  written,  referring  to  Hudde:  — 

Mother  still  living,  but  sick;  according  to  Domine 
Badius  she  gives  her  consent. 

Grant  to  Isaack  de  Forest.  For  a  lot  on  the  Marckt- 
veldt  Steeg  and  for  his  garden,  September  5,  1645.2 
We,  Willem  Kieft,  Director  General,  and  Council  in 
behalf  of  the  High  and  Mighty  Lords  the  States  Gen- 
eral of  the  United  Netherlands  .  .  .  have  given  and 
granted  unto  Isaack  d'  Foreest  a  certain  lot  of  land 
for  a  house  and  garden  lying  on  the  west  side  of  the  lot 
of  Philip  Gerardy;  its  breadth  on  the  south  side  is  two 
rods,  five  feet;  on  the  west  side  four  rods,  one  foot; 

1  City  Archives  at  Amsterdam.   [Translation.] 

2  Original  in  New  York  State  Library,  Albany,  Book  GG,  p.  119.  Ab- 
stract. [Translation.] 


[  357  ] 


Appendix 


and  on  the  east  side  five  rods,  nine  feet;  at  the  north 
end  of  this  lot  there  is  an  alley  or  passageway  in  length 
three  rods,  nine  feet,  four  inches;  in  breadth  four  feet; 
it  lies  between  the  lots  of  the  aforesaid  Geraert  and 
Teunis  d'  Metselaer  and  extends  to  the  entrance  or 
passageway  of  the  garden  of  this  lot,  and  [the  garden] 
extends  from  said  passageway  south  one  rod,  seven 
feet  and  eight  inches;  its  length  on  the  south  side  is  ten 
rods,  eight  feet  to  the  lot  of  Jan  Cornelissen;  next  the 
lot  of  said  Cornelissen  or  on  the  east  side,  the  breadth 
is  five  rods,  three  feet,  three  inches;  on  the  north  side 
its  length  is  ten  rods,  four  feet;  its  breadth  on  the  west 
side  towards  the  south  is  two  rods,  three  feet,  four 
inches;  towards  the  east  one  rod,  four  feet,  two  inches; 
towards  the  south  one  rod,  three  feet,  eight  inches; 
westerly  one  rod,  four  feet,  eight  inches;  amounting 
in  all  to  sixty-seven  [square]  rods,  eight  feet,  eight 
inches.  .  .  . 

Done  at  Fort  Amsterdam  this  5th  day  of  September 

1645. 

Was  signed  Willem  Kieft 
Below  was  written  by  order  of  the  honorable  Direc- 
tor General  and  Council  of  New  Netherland. 

Cornelis  van  Tienhoven  Secry. 

Deed  to  Jan  Verbrugge  from  Jan  Labatie  for  a 
house  and  lot  on  Brouwer  Straet,  September  22, 
1652.1 

.  .  .  Appeared  before  us  the  Director  General  and 
Council  .  .  .  Jan  Labatie,  citizen  and  inhabitant  of  Fort 
Orange,  who  declared  that  he  had  conveyed  ...  to 
Jan  Gillissen  Verbrugge  a  house  and  lot  lying  next  to 

1  Abstract.  Original  in  New  York  State  Library,  Albany,  Land  Patents, 
vol.  H,  p.  2.   [Translation.] 

[  358] 


Deeds  and  Other  Papers 


Oloff  Stevenson,  in  width  on  the  street  two  rods,  five 
feet  and  eight  inches,  in  the  rear,  on  the  north  side,  two 
rods  and  one  and  a  half  feet,  in  length  eight  rods  and 
three  feet,  and  that  in  virtue  of  the  patent  granted  to 
him  .  .  .  he,  Jan  Labatie,  relinquishes  all  his  right, 
title  or  interest  ...  in  the  aforesaid  house  and  lot. .  .  . 
Thus  done  ...  in  Council  at  Fort  New  Amsterdam 
in  New  Netherland. 

Deed  to  Isaack  de  Forest  from  Jan  Verbrugge 
for  a  house  and  lot  on  Brouwer  Straet,  October 
15,  1653. x 

.  .  .  Appeared  before  us  the  Director  General  and 
Council  .  .  .  Jan  Gillissen  van  Brugge,  and  declared 
that  he  had  conveyed  ...  to  Isaack  Forreest,  from 
whom  he  had  received  payment,  a  house2  and  lot 
lying  next  to  Ooloff  Stevenson  [measurements  as  in 
deed  of  September  22,  1652]  .  .  .  and  that  in  virtue  of 
the  conveyance  made  to  him  by  Jan  Labatie  under 
date  of  the  22d  of  September  1652,  with  all  such  rights 
of  ownership  as  he,  the  grantor,  has  possessed  therein, 
wherefore  he  .  .  .  Jan  Gillissen  Verbrugge  relinquishes 
all  right  [etc.]  ...  in  the  aforesaid  house  and  lot. 

David  de  Forest  buys  a  house  and  lot  in  Stratford. 
May  23,  1699.  John  Durand  of  Milford  ...  for 
twenty  six  pounds  sells  unto  David  Deffoorest  of  Strat- 
ford and  his  heirs  ...  a  certain  house  and  house  lott 
scittuate  in  Stratford  the  said  lott  being  in  quantity 

1  Abstract.  Original  in  New  York  State  Library,  Albany,  Land  Patents 
vol.  HH,  p.  50.   [Translation.]  m 

2  Surgeon  van  der  Bogaerdt,  a  well-known  character  in  New  Amsterdam, 
had  built  this  house  and  was  living  in  it  as  early  as  1645.  He  died  in  1648, 
and  his  widow  within  a  few  months  married  Jean  or  Jan  Labatie.  The 
latter  sold  it  in  1652  to  Verbrugge,  who  in  turn  disposed  of  it  in  1653  to 
Isaack  de  Forest. 

[  359  ] 


Appendix 

three  quarters  of  an  acre  be  it  more  or  less  with  all 
buildings  and  trees  thereupon  bounded  east  and  north 
with  ye  Common  or  Highway  south  with  ye  land  of 
Ebenezer  Booth  west  with  land  belonging  to  ye  heirs 
of  Jonathan  Nichols  deceased  for  him  ye  said  David 
Deffoorest.  [Stratford  Land  Records,  vol.  n,  part  2, 
p.  464.  Abstract.] 

Papers    relating   to    the  distribution    of  David  de 

Forest's  Estate. 

Probate  Records  at  Fairfield,  Conn.  Among  these 
records  are  the  following  papers:  — 

1721,  June  10.  Inventory  and  appraisal  of  David 
de  Forest's  estate. 

172 1,  June  13.  Appointment  of  Martha  Defrees  as 
administratrix  of  David  de  Forest's  estate. 

1724,  May  1.  Order  for  distribution  of  David  de 
Forest's  estate. 

1725,  April  10.   Distribution  accomplished. 

Samuel  de  Forest's  Deed  from  Samuel  Peat  for 
land  in  Stratford. 

1725/6,  March  17.  Samuell  Peat  for  love  &  good 
will  to  my  son  in  law  Sam11  Deforest  &  Abigail  his 
Wife  the  one  half  of  my  horn  lot  of  land  Stratford. 
Bounded  as  appears  of  Record  17  March  1725/6. 

[Stratford  Land  Records,  vol.  iv,  p.  45.  Abstract.] 

Samuel  de  Forest's  Deed  for  property  on  Moose 

Hill. 

1732,  July  21.  I,  Hezekiah  Curtiss  of  Stratford  in 
ye  County  of  Fairfield,  Colony  of  New  England  for  ye 
consideration  of  One  hundred  and  sixty  nine  pounds 

[  360  ] 


Deeds  and  Other  Papers 


current  money  Received  ...  of  Samuel  Defreest  of 
s'd  Stratford  .  .  .  Have  sold  .  .  .  unto  ye  s'd  Samuel 
Defreest  ...  a  certain  Tract  or  parcel  of  Land  Situ- 
ate ...  in  ye  Parish  of  Ripton  .  .  .  att  a  place  com- 
monly called  Moose  hill  &  is  in  Quantity  Twenty  six 
acres;  it  being  ye  equall  half  of  ye  Tract  of  Land  there, 
that  was  formerly  my  father  Daniel  Curtis  his  Land 
&  is  butting  &  bounding  Easterly  by  Common  Land, 
Northerly  by  John  Moss,  his  Land  —  South  by  John 
Johnson  &  Joseph  Johnson,  West  by  Mr.  Lewis  his 
Land.  .  .  . 

In  Witness  whereof  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand  & 
seal  ye  Twenty  first  day  of  July  in  ye  Sixth  year  of 
ye  Reign  of  our  Soveraign  Lord  George  ye  Second  of 
Great  Britain,  King,  Annoque  Domini  1732. 

Hezekiah  Curtiss. 
[Stratford  Land  Records,  vol.  iv,  p.  252.  Abstract.] 

Samuel  de  Forest  and  Samuel  Peat  sell  their  house 

and  lot  in  Stratford. 

1733/4,  Feb.  4.  We  Sam1'  Peat  Jr.  &  Sam1-  Deforest 
both  of  Stratford  for  £240.  to  Peter  Hepburn  1  %  acres 
House  lot  Land  with  a  Dwelling  House  Barn  &  Well 
thereon  Stratford  near  ye  Harbour  —  bounded  North 
on  highway,  East  and  South  by  Joseph  Prince  &  West 
by  Thomas  Thompson  his  land. 

John  Thompson,  Register. 

[The  north  part  of  the  original  homestead  of  Rich- 
ard Butler.] 

[Stratford  Land  Records,  vol.  iv,  p.  409.  Ab- 
stract.] 


[  361  ] 


Appendix 


David  de  Forest  of  Wilton  sells  his  father's  Strat- 
ford homestead. 

1737,  May  27.  David  Deforest  of  Norwalk  [Wilton], 
Conn.,  for  £100.  to  my  Honored  father  in  law  Mr. 
Ephraim  Clark  of  Stratford  one  certain  Tract  of  House 
lot  Land,  one  acre  with  a  Dwelling  House  &  small  Barn 
thereon,  Stratford  —  Bounded  East  &  North  on 
Street  —  South  by  Edward  Booth's  Land  &  West  by 
Jehiel  Beardslee's  Land. 

John  Thompson,  Register. 

(This  was  the  homestead  of  David's  father,  David 
de  Forest  of  Stratford,  and  was  located  at  the  junc- 
tion of  Lundy's  Lane  and  Beardsley  Avenue  with 
Stratford  Avenue.] 

[Stratford  Land  Records,  vol.  vn,  p.  87.  Abstract.] 

Nehemiah  de  Forest's  Deed  from  his  father  Samuel 
for  land  at  Moose  Hill. 

1767,  April  10.  Sam11  Deforest  for  Love,  good  Will 
&c.  to  my  well  beloved  son  Nehemiah  Deforest  — 
Land  situated — 15  acres  as  part  of  his  portion  at 
Moose  hill,  bounded  North  on  highway,  West  on  Land 
of  Ebenezer  Lewis,  South  on  Land  of  Joseph  [Deforest], 
and  to  extend  so  far  East  as  to  make  15  acres.  Bound- 
ed there  on  my  own  Land. 

[Stratford  Land  Records,  vol.  xiii,  p.  502.  Abstract.] 

Nehemiah  de  Forest's  Deed  from  his  father  Samuel 
for  additional  land  at  Moose  Hill. 

1769,  April  24.  Samuel  Deforest  for  Love,  etc.  to 
my  son  Nehemiah  Deforest  as  part  of  his  portion  out 
of  my  Estate  15  acres  of  Land  situated  Moose  Hill. 

[  362  ] 


Deeds  and  Other  Papers 


Bounded  South  East  and  North  on  highway,  West  on 

my  own  Land.    Also  one  half  of  my  Dwelling  house 

at  ye  South  end,  one  half  of  my  Barn  at  ye  East  end. 

[Stratford  Land  Records,  vol.  xvi,  p.  33.  Abstract.] 

Nehemiah  de  Forest  sells  the  inn  at  New  Stratford. 

1797,  Sept.  15.  Nehemiah  Deforest  of  Huntington 
for  $2500  sells  to  Nathan  Wheeler,  Hall  Beardslee, 
Samuel  Wheeler,  a  piece  of  land  in  said  Huntington 
parish  of  New  Stratford  near  the  meeting  house  of  said 
parish  containing  14  acres  be  the  same  more  or  less 
and  bounded  as  follows.  Viz.  East  on  highway  in  part 
and  part  on  land  of  Dr.  Ezra  Curtis  south  on  Dr.  Ezra 
Curtis's  land,  in  part  on  Frederick  Lewis's  land  in  part 
on  Ezekiel  Lewis's  land  in  part  west  part  on  land  of 
Frederick  Lewis  part  on  land  of  Ezekiel  Lewis  north 
on  highway,  reserving  to  himself  the  priviledge  of  liv- 
ing on  and  occupying  the  premises  till  the  15th  day  of 
May  next  and  of  reaping  and  carrying  of  the  crops 
that  is  now  on  the  land. 

Legrand  M.  Lewis,  Witness. 

[Huntington  Town  Records,  vol.  11,  p.  443 .  Abstract.] 

Lockwood  de  Forest  and  others  buy  a  house  and 
land  in  New  Haven  from  James  Bonticou. 
1804,  Nov.  21.  James  Bonticou  for  #9000  sells  to 
Andrew  Hull  Jr.,  John  Buckley,  Lockwood  De  Forest 
and  Elihu  Daggett  about  one  acre  of  land  in  New 
Township  with  all  buildings  thereon — bounded  north- 
erly by  highway,  easterly  by  land  of  William  Fairchild, 
southerly  by  Wooster  Street,  westerly  by  Olive  Street. 
Also  one  piece  near  Ship  Yard  with  all  buildings  there- 
on standing. 

[NewHavenTownRecords,vol.Liv,p.59.  Abstract.] 

[  363  ] 


Appendix 

Lockwood  de  Forest  and  others  buy  two  stores  on 

Union  Wharf  in  New  Haven. 

1804,  Aug.  25.  I  Andrew  Hull  Jr.  .  .  .  of  New  Haven 
.  .  .  For  the  Consideration  of  Fifteen  Hundred 
Dollars  Received  ...  of  John  Buckley,  Lockwood  De 
Forest  &  Elihu  Daggett  of  New  Haven.  .  .  Do  .  .  . 
Sell  .  .  .  unto  the  said  Buckley,  De  Forest  &  Daggett 
.  .  .  those  undivided  4th  parts  of  a  Certain  piece  of 
Land  with  two  Stores  standing  thereon  —  being  in  the 
City  of  New  Haven  on  the  West  side  of  Union  Wharf, 
being  the  First  &  second  stores  from  the  North  end 
of  the  Long  range  with  all  the  Land  &  Flats  thereunto 

belonging.  .  .  . 

Andr.  Hull  Jr. 
[New  Haven  Town  Records,  vol.  liv,  p.  13.  Abstract.] 


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by  the  State  under  the  supervision  of  Hugh  Hastings,  State 
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Historical  Manuscripts  in  the  Office  of  the  Secretary  of  State,  Al- 
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History  of  the  City  of  New  York  in  the  Seventeenth  Century,  by 
Mrs.  Schuyler  van  Rensselaer.    New  York,  1909. 

History  of  Harlem  (City  of  New  York),  by  James  Riker.   Revised 

and  enlarged  by  H.  P.  Toler.    New  York,  1904. 
History  of  New  Netherland  or  New  York  under  the  Dutch,  by 

E.  B.  O'Callaghan.   New  York,  1845-1848. 
History  of  the  State  of  New  York,  by  J.  R.  Brodhead.  New  York, 

1853,  1871. 
Laws  and  Ordinances  of  New  Netherland,  1638-1674.    Compiled 

and  translated  by  E.  B.  O'Callaghan.   Albany,  1868. 
Memorial  History  of  the  City  of  New  York.   Edited  by  J.  G.  Wil- 
son.  New  York,  1892. 
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Library  Bulletin,  No.  56.    1901. 
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New  York  Historical  Society,  Collections  of. 

Records  of  New  Amsterdam,  1 65 3-1 674,  The:  Minutes  of  the  Court 
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Register  of  New  Netherland,  1624-1674,  The.  Lists  of  officials 
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Valentine's  Manual;  see  Corporation  of  the  City  of  New  York, 
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Miscellaneous  Works 

Brief  Description  of  New  York,  by  Madam  Knight.     London,  1670. 

De  Forests  of  Avesnes  and  of  New  Netherland,  The,  by  Major 
John  W.  De  Forest.  New  Haven,  1900. 

French  Blood  in  America,  The,  by  Lucian  J.  Fosdick.  New  York, 
1906. 

French  in  America,  The,  by  Thomas  Balch.  Philadelphia,  1895. 

Holland  Society  of  New  York,  Year  Books  of  the. 

Journal  of  a  Voyage  to  New  York  and  a  Tour  in  Several  of  the  Amer- 
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Letter  of  Rev.  Jonas  Michaelius  written  in  New  Amsterdam  in 
1628.    (New  York  Colonial  Documents,  Vol.  II.) 

Narratives  of  New  Netherland,  1609-1664.  Edited  by  J.  Franklin 
Jameson.    New  York,  1909. 

New  Amsterdam  and  Its  People,  by  J.  H.  Innes.  New  York,  1902. 

Picture  of  New  York,  The,  or  The  Stranger's  Guide.  Published  by 
A.  T.  Goodrich,  New  York,  1825. 

Van  Rensselaer  Bowier  Manuscripts,  being  the  Letters  of  Kiliaen 
van  Rensselaer,  1630-1643,  and  Other  Documents  Relating 
to  the  Colony  of  Rensselaerswyck.  Translated  and  edited  by 
A.  J.  F.  van  Laer.  Albany,  1908. 


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Historical  Records 

Connecticut,  A  Complete  History  of,   1630-1764,  by  Benjamin 

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Connecticut  Historical  Collections,  by  John  W.    Barber.     New 

Haven,  1836. 
Connecticut,  History  of,  by  Gideon  H.  Hollister.  New  Haven,  1855. 
Derby,  A  History  of  the  Old  Town  of,  by  Rev.  Samuel  Orcutt  and 

Ambrose  Beardsley.    Springfield,  1880. 
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Fairfield  Ancient  and  Modern,  by  Rev.  Frank  S.  Child.   Fairfield, 

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Redding,  A  History  of,  by  C.  B.  Todd.   New  York,  1880. 

Stamford,  A  History  of,  by  E.  B.  Huntington.    Stamford,  1868. 

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Stratford  Congregational  Church,  Fiftieth  Anniversary  Services  of 
the  Dedication  of.   Stratford,  1909. 

Stratford  Congregational  Church,  Quarto-Millennial  Celebration 
of.    1869. 

Stratford  Congregational  Church  Records.  (At  Office  of  Town 
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Stratford  Congregational  Church  Records.  MS.  copy.  (At  Con- 
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Stratford  Library,  Dedication  Services  of.    1896. 

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Stratford  Land  Records.    (At  Office  of  Town  Clerk,  Stratford.) 

Stratford  Land  Records  (Revolutionary).  MS.  copy.  (At  Connec- 
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Stratford  Probate  Records.    (At  Probate  Office,  Fairfield.) 

Stratford  Town  Acts.    (At  Office  of  Town  Clerk,  Stratford.) 

Weston   Records  of  the  Town  Clerk. 

Wilton  Congregational  Church,  The  150th  Anniversary  of  the. 

Wilton  Congregational  Church,  The  175th  Anniversary  of  the. 

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Woodbury,  A  History  of  Ancient,  by  William  Cothren.  Woodbury, 
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[  37°  ] 


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Revolutionary  Records 

American  Revolution,  The,  by  John  Fiske.   New  York,  1891. 
American  Revolution,  The,  by  Sir  George  Trevelyan.     London, 
1 899-1907. 

Battles  of  the  American  Revolution,  by  Henry  B.  Carrington. 

New  York,  1876. 
Campaign  of  1776  around  New  York  and  Brooklyn,  The,  by  Henry 

P.  Johnston.   Brooklyn,  1876. 
Connecticut  Society  of  Sons  of  the  American  Revolution,  Year 

Books  of  the. 

Daughters  of  the  American  Revolution,  Book  of  Lineages.  Wash- 
ington, D.C. 

[De  Lauzun,  Due]  Armand  Louis  de  Gontaut  Biron,  Memoires  of. 
Paris,  1822. 

Historical  Collection,  A,  from  Official  Records,  Files,  etc.,  of  the 
Part  Sustained  by  Connecticut  during  the  War  of  the  Revolu- 
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Historical  Register  of  Officers  of  the  Continental  Army,  1775-1783, 
by  F.  B.  Heitman.    Washington,  1893. 

Pictorial  Field  Book  of  the  Revolution,  by  Benson  J.  Lossing.  New 
York,  1851-1852. 

Record  of  Service  of  Connecticut  Men  in  the  War  of  the  Revolution. 
Compiled  under  the  direction  of  the  Adjutants-General,  with 
an  introduction  by  Henry  P.  Johnston.   Hartford,  1889. 

Sons  of  the  American  Revolution,  National  Register  of  Society  of. 

United  States  Pension  Office  Records.    Washington,  D.C. 

United  States  War  Office  Records.    Washington,  D.C. 

Miscellaneous  Works 

Booth,  The  Family  of  Richard.   New  York,  1862. 

Colonial  Dames  and  Good  Wives,  by  Alice  Morse  Earle.   Boston, 

1895. 
Connecticut  General  Assembly  Records,  1779. 
Connecticut  Historical  Society,  Collections  of. 
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found  in  Connecticut  Archives,  Ecclesiastical  Affairs. 

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Connecticut,  The  Public  Records  of  the  Colony  of,  1689-1 776. 
Edited  by  Charles  J.  Hoadly. 

Connecticut,  The  Public  Records  of  the  State  of,  1 776-1 780.  Edited 
by  Charles  J.  Hoadly. 

Connecticut  Register,  The. 

Customs  and  Fashions  in  Old  New  England,  by  Alice  Morse  Earle. 
New  York,  1894. 

De  Forests  of  Avesnes  and  of  New  Netherland,  The,  by  Major 
John  W.  De  Forest.    New  Haven,  1900. 

De  Forest  Family,  MS.  Notes  with  Reference  to  the.  Compiled 
by  the  Rev.  Benjamin  L.  Swan.    1882. 

Dexter  Index,  The.  A  manuscript  card  index  covering  the  probate 
records,  land  records,  cemetery  records,  and  marriage  re- 
cords of  Fairfield  County.    (At  Fairfield  Library.) 

Early  Connecticut  Marriages.  Edited  by  Rev.  Frederick  W.  Bailey. 
(New  Haven  Bureau  of  American  Ancestry,  copy.  1896;  1906.) 

Hawley  Record,  The,  by  Elias  S.  Hawley.   Buffalo,  1890. 

Lockwood  Family,  A  History  of  the,  by  Frederic  A.  Holden. 
Philadelphia,  1889. 

Marvin,  The  Descendants  of  Reinold  and  Matthew,  by  George 
F.  and  William  T.  R.  Marvin.   Boston,  1904. 

Sabbath,  The,  in  Puritan  New  England,  by  Alice  Morse  Earle. 
New  York,  1891. 

Salt  Box  House,  The,  by  Jane  de  Forest  Shelton.  New  York,  1900. 

Spiritual  Travels  of  Nathan  Cole,  1741,  The.  MSS.  (At  Connecti- 
cut State  Historical  Society,  Hartford.) 

Swan  Manuscripts.  19  MSS.  booklets  containing  extracts  from 
Connecticut  town,  church,  land,  and  family  records.  Collected 
by  Rev.  Benjamin  L.  Swan.  (At  Fairfield  County  Historical 
Society,  Bridgeport.) 

Travels  to  New  England  and  New  York,  by  Rev.  Timothy  Dwight. 
London,  1823. 

Whitefield,  The  Journal  of  Rev.  George,  1740.  London,  1744. 


Ind 


ex 


Abel,  Major  Elijah,  i,  249,  251. 
Adams,  Mary,  11,  296,  315. 
Albany,  de  Forests  (Defreests)  of, 

11,  287. 
Allen,  Ethan,  1,  222. 
Amazon,  the  "Pigeon"  at  the,  1,  36- 

40;  11,  220-35;  iorm  of  the  word, 

221. 
Andre,  Major,  1,  237. 
Annotto  (arnotto),  dye,  1, 49;  11,  247. 
Arnold,  Benedict,  11,  26. 
Avesnes,  1,  5-10, 13;  bibliography  of, 

11,  365,  366. 

Bacon,  Rev.  Leonard,  11,  85. 
Baldwin,  Anne  Estelle,  11,  310. 
Baldwin,  Anne  Marven,  11,  310. 
Baldwin,  Charles  Marven,  11,  310. 
Baldwin,  David  Higginbotham,  11, 

3io._ 
Baldwin,  De  Forest,  11,  310. 
Baldwin,  Francis  Hoskins,  11,  310. 
Baldwin,  Henry,  11,  310. 
Baldwin,  Henry  de  Forest,  11,  310. 
Baldwin,  Lockwood  de  Forest,   11, 

310. 
Baldwin,  Maud  Dominick,  11,  310. 
Baldwin,  Roger  Sherman,  11,  310. 
Baldwin,  Simeon,  11,  in,  310. 
Baldwin,  Simeon,  son  of  Simeon,  11, 

3I0\ 
Baldwin,  Simeon,  son  of  Henry,  11, 

310. 

Barbados,  Island  of,  11,  184-86. 

Barlow,  John,  1,  256. 

Barn  Hill,  1,182,  188,  205,  207,  279; 

",  44- 

Barnum,  Miss,  11,  314. 
Bartram,  Sarah,  11,  303. 
Bassett,  Louisa  A.,  11,  303. 
Bayard,  Nicholas,  1,  149. 
Beach,  Charity,  1,  287-91. 
Beach,  John,  1,  159,  288. 
Beach,  Rhoda,  1,  288,  294,  295. 
Beardsley,  Esther,  11,  296,  315. 
Beardsley,  Samuel,  1,  310. 
Beaumont,  Anthoine,  1,  27;  11,  188, 
189. 


Bedspreads,  1, 165. 

Beeckman,  Willem,  1,  115. 

Beer,  use  of,  in  New  Amsterdam,  1, 

123,  124. 
Beers,  Elias,  11,  298. 
Beers,  Polly,  11,  315. 
Belding,  John,  11,  301. 
Belgae,  the,  1,  3. 
Belgium,  1,  13  n. 
Berghen  op  Zoom,  1,  11. 
Betts,  Sarah,  11,  292,  3 14. 
Beverly,  Mass.,  ordination  feast  at, 

I,  263. 

Bible,  family,  11,  150,  151,  287  n. 
Bibliography,  11,  365-72. 
Birdseye,  Hannah,  11,  299,  314. 
Bishop,  Mr.,  11,  54,  55. 
"Black  Eagle,"  the,  1,  55,  56,  58; 

II,  176,  185,  265,  269. 
Blackman,  Samuel,  1,  239,  241;  11, 

328. 

Blagge,  Martha,  wife  of  David  de 
Forest,  11,  289,  313;  marriage,  1, 
161-63;  property,  162,  164;  her 
share  of  David's  estate,  172;  sec- 
ond marriage,  172,  173. 

Blagge,  Samuel,  1,  161,  162,  170;  11, 
295. 

Blakeman,  Rev.  Adam,  1,  151,  157. 

Blakeman,  Rebecca,  11,  296,  315. 

Blakman,  Nancy,  11,  300. 

Bogardus,  Domine,  officiates  at 
Hendrick  de  Forest's  funeral,  1, 
89;  with  power  of  attorney  for 
Gertrude  de  Forest,  95,  96;  bap- 
tizes Jessen  de  Forest,  113;  the 
home  of,  117;  in  charge  of  New 
Amsterdam  church,  120;  assists 
Isaack  and  Sara  de  Forest  in  mak- 
ing their  joint  will,  141. 

Bonasse,  Jacob,  1,  99. 

Bontecou,  James,  11,  29. 

Bontecou,  Captain  Peter,  11,  30. 

Bontecou,  Timothy,  11,  30,  31. 

Bornstra,  Gertrude,  marriage  to 
Hendrick  de  Forest,  1,  75;  widow, 
93;  betrothal  and  marriage  to 
Hudde,  93,  94,  99;  and  Hendrick's 


[  373  ] 


Index 


property,  94-97,  99~ioi;  arrives 
in  New  Amsterdam,  100;  death, 
101;  marriage  banns  of,  11,  357. 

Boston,  bombardment  of,  1,  220. 

Boston  Port  Bill,  1,  220. 

Bostwick,  Rachel,  11,  294,  315. 

Bounties,  1,  253,  254. 

Bout,  Willem  Fredericks,  emigrates 
to  the  New  World,  1,  73;  on  Hen- 
drick  de  Forest's  bouwery,  83,  84, 
92;  tries  unsuccessfully  to  get  re- 
lease, 97;  becomes  freeman,  103; 
at  Rensselaerswyck,  107. 

Boutel  (or  Bontel),  Mary,  1,  162. 

Bouweries,  Muscoota,  1,  81-108, 
114-116. 

Brewers  in  New  Amsterdam,  1,  123- 
125. 

Brewer's  Street,  New  Amsterdam,  1, 
118,  131,  132. 

Bridgeport,  Conn.,  11,  19  n.,  22,  116, 
117. 

Brintnall,  Lydia,  11,  43,  50,  305,  314. 

Brintnall,  Captain  William,  11,  43, 
50,  51,  68-73,  io5- 

British  Museum,  foundation  of,  11, 
182-84. 

British  Guiana,  11,  172.   See  Guiana. 

Brown,  Margaretta  H.,  11,  308. 

Bryan,  Richard,  1,  163. 

Buckley,  John,  n,  24,  28,  29. 

Bunker  Hill,  1,  246. 

Burloch,  Catherine,  11,  316. 

Burloch,  Mary,  11,  314. 

Burr,  Lieutenant  Isaac,  1,  249,251; 
11,  328. 

Butler,  Mary  Howard,  11,  308. 

Butler,  Phebe,  1,  175-77- 

Butler,  Richard,  1,  I75~77- 

Canfield,  Clarissa,  11,  294,  315. 
Canfield,  Lucretia,  11,  117,  314. 
Caribs,  the,  1,  47,  48,  50,  55;  11,  245, 

247,  261,  277. 
Carippo,  1,  40;  n,  177,  237,  241,  271, 

275. 
Carleton,  Sir  Dudley,  his  account  of 

interview  with  Jesse  de  Forest,  1, 

18. 
Carpenter,  William,  11,  300. 
Cassava,  11,  263. 
Caudle  cups,  1,  156. 
Cayenne,  1,  47,  50,  55;  11,  247,  261. 
Chalices,  1,  156. 


Charlton,  William,  n,  184.  See 
Courten. 

Chart,  genealogical,  11,  313-16. 

Charter  of  Freedoms  and  Exemp- 
tions, 1,  63. 

Chauncey,  Rev.  Charles,  1,  157  n., 
174. 

Chauncey,  Reverend  Israel,  1,  157. 

"Christening  Bason,"  1,  263  n. 

Church  in  the  Fort,  the,  1,  120,  121, 
123. 

Church  records  of  New  Stratford,  1, 
264,  265. 

Church  Trial,  the,  11,  48-98.  _ 

Churches  and  church-going  in  New 
Amsterdam,  1,  120,  121,  126;  in 
Stratford,  154-57,  261-65,  301, 
303-05;  in  Ripton,  179,  180,  189- 
96,  198,  199.  _ 

Cincinnati,  Society  of  the,  1,  236;  II, 

324- 

Clark,  Abigail,  n,  291,  313. 

Clawson,  Elizabeth,  11,  16  n. 

Cock,  Thomas  Ferris,  11,  3 1 1. 

Coe,  Ebenezer,  11,  339. 

Cogeeshall,  Captain,  11,  36,  39,  40. 

Cole,  Henry,  11,  289. 

Cole,  Nathan,  his  description  of  the 
Whitefield  excitement,  1,  193,  194. 

Colonists,  in  Guiana,  1,  40-51;  n, 
236-59;  return  of,  from  Guiana  to 
Holland;  1,  51-56;  11,  259-69. 

Commaribo,  1,  43,  46;  11,  236,  240, 
242,  250,  256,  258,  270-75. 

Committee  of  Inspection,  1,  256,  277, 
278. 

Common  Field,  1,  153  n. 

Common  lands,  1,  153,  177- 

Cangregationalists  and  Episcopali- 
ans, 1,  303-05. 

Connecticut  Colony,  1,  150,  151; 
during  the  Revolutionary  War, 
219-58,  277-83;  bibliography  of, 
11,  369-72. 

Contract  concerning  the  "Renssela- 
erswyck," copy  of,  11,  35°~S2- 

Conveyance  of  land,  first  legal,  on 
Manhattan,  1,  94. 

Cornelis,  Janneken,  1,  122. 

Cornwallis,  surrender  of,  1,  235. 

Corssen,  Angenietie,  1,  105,  106;  n, 
285. 

Corssen,  Arent,  1,  105. 

Cothren,    William,    description    of 


[  374  ] 


Ind 


ex 


Revolutionary    soldiers    from,    I, 

223. 
Couast,  Captain,  11,  177. 
Courten,  William,  n,  184-86. 
Craftsmen  in  New  England,  1,  200. 
Cupheag,  1,  150. 

Curtenius,  Rev.  Antonius,  11,  288. 
Curtis,  Hannah,  11,  290. 
Curtis,  Mary,  II,  299,  314. 
Curtis,  Mehitable,  11,  296,  316. 
Curtis,  Thomas,  11,  295. 
Curtiss,  Mary,  11,  300. 
"Cushing  for  ye  Pulpit,"  1,  262. 

Daggett,  Elihu,  11,  24,  29. 

Danbury  raid,  1,  231. 

Darby,  Bernard,  11,  289. 

Darling,  Joseph,  11,  298. 

Day,  Eliza  Skinner,  11,  308. 

Day,  George  de  Forest  Lord,  11,  308. 

Day,  Henry,  n,  308. 

Day,  Henry  Lord,  11,  308. 

Day,  John  Lord,  11,  308. 

Day,  Sarah  Lord,  11,  308. 

Day,  Susan  de  Forest,  n,  308. 

Daynes,  Jehan  and  Gilles,  1,  27;  n, 

191. 
Dean,  Leila  B.,  11,  312. 
Declaration  of  Hendrick  de  Forest, 

",  3S2-SS-     , 

Deeds,  n,  358-63. 

De  Forest,  Aaron,  11,  316. 

De  Forest,  Abby,  birth,  1,  276;  at 
mother's  death,  300;  marriage, 
305-07;  11,  42;  acrostic  of,  1,  307; 
mentioned  in  father's  will,  314; 
after  her  husband's  death,  11,  42; 
,  returns  to  New  Stratford,  43 ;  her 
"Praying  Society,"  48;  at  Bridge- 
port, 117;  her  peculiarities,  136- 
38;  lives  with  her  brother  Charles, 
137,  306;  obtains  legacy  from  Aunt 
Betsey,  154;  Mrs.  de  Forest's  kind- 
ness to,  157;  genealogical  note  on, 
301,  302. 

De  Forest,  Abel,  services  in  the  Revo- 
lutionary War,  1,  232,  237,  238; 
11,  299,  3H,  330-33;  visits  Lock- 
wood  de  Forest,  128,  129. 

De  Forest,  Abigail.  See  Peat,  Abi- 
gail. 

De  Forest,  Abigail,  daughter  of 
David  of  Wilton,  11,  292. 

De  Forest,  Abraham,  11,  287. 


De  Forest,  Alfred  Henry,  11,  35,  101, 
310. 

De  Forest,  Alfred  Victor,  11,  311. 

De  Forest,  Alice  Delano,  11,  311. 

De  Forest,  Alonzo,  11,  316. 

De  Forest,  Ann,  11,  295. 

De  Forest,  Ann  Maria,  11,  306. 

De  Forest,  Ann  Mehetabcl,  11,  35, 
in,  153,  310. 

De  Forest,  Anne,  daughter  of  Jean, 
1,9,  11. 

De  Forest,  Anne,  wife  of  Jean,  1,  9, 
11. 

De  Forest,  Anthony,  1,  257;  11,  348. 

De  Forest,  Archibald,  1,  25S;  n,  343. 

De  Forest,  Arthur  Hopkins,  11,  306. 

De  Forest,  Augusta  Spring,  11,  309. 

De  Forest,  Augustus,  11,  313. 

De  Forest,  Barent  (or  Barnet),  11, 
289. 

De  Forest,  Benjamin,  of  Ripton,  son 
of  David,  1,  171,  209111,  296,  315; 
descendants  of,  296,  297,  315,  316. 

De  Forest,  Benjamin,  son  of  Benja- 
min of  Ripton,  11,  296,  297,  316. 

De  Forest,  Benjamin,  son  of  (the 
above)  Benjamin,  11,  316. 

De  Forest,  Benjamin,  son  of  Benja- 
min Lockwood,  11,  309. 

De  Forest,  Benjamin,  son  of  Elihu, 

n,  3T4- 
De  Forest,  Benjamin,  son  of  Isaac, 

11,  294,  315. 
De  Forest,  Benjamin  Lockwood,  11, 

3°9- 

De  Forest,  Betsey  (Aunt  Betsey),  at 
mother's  death,  1,  300;  in  father's 
will,  314;  her  homes,  H,  42,  43; 
at  time  of  Susan's  wedding,  103; 
her  home  life  happy,  105;  descrip- 
tion of,  105,  106;  goes  to  Bridge- 
port with  Lockwood,  117,  118;  at 
Bridgeport,  136;  at  Louisa's  wed- 
ding, 138,  139;  visits  New  York, 
139;  death,  153,  1545  genealogical 
note  on,  305. 

De  Forest,  Bills  Clark,  11,  314. 

De  Forest,  Caroline,  11,  309. 

De  Forest,  Catherine  ("Cate"),  II, 
297. 

De  Forest,  Catrina,  11,  287. 

De  Forest,  Charity.     See  Beach. 

De  Forest,  Charles  1st,  son  of  Nehe- 
miah,  n,  301,  306,  314. 


[  375  ] 


Index 


De  Forest,  Charles  2nd,  son  of  Nehe- 
miah,  birth,  i,  302;  n,'o;  in  father's 
will,  1,  3 14;  genealogical  note  on,  11, 
301,306,314. 

De  Forest,  Charles,  son  of  Othniel, 
11,  316. 

De  Forest,  Charles  Edward,  11,  306. 

De  Forest,  Charles  Noyes,  11,  311. 

De  Forest,  Charles  Sterling,  11,  306. 

De  Forest,  Clark,  11,  313. 

De  Forest,  Crispin,  1,  75. 

De  Forest,  Curtis,  son  of  John,  11, 

315- 

De  Forest,  Curtis,  son  of  Joseph,  11, 

De  Forest,  Daniel,  son  of  Elisha,  11, 

315- 

De  Forest,  Daniel,  son  of  Henry,  11, 

29;. 

De  Forest,  David  of  Wilton  1st,  1, 
172;  11,  291,  292;  descendants  of, 
292,  313,  314;  copy  of  deed  of 
property,  362. 

De  Forest,  David  of  Wilton  2nd,  1, 
224,  225;  11,  292,  313. 

De  Forest,  David  of  Wilton  3rd,  1, 
224,  229;  11,  313,  326,  327. 

De  Forest,  David,  son  of  Isaack,  1, 
142;  birth  and  baptism,  149;  his 
signature,  149;  removes  to  Strat- 
ford, 150;  marriage,  161-63;  home 
of,  163-67;  his  occupation,  168, 
169;  appearance  of,  169,  170;  mar- 
riage of  two  daughters,  170;  death, 
171;  his  estate,  171,  172;  descend- 
ants of,  173;  11,  289-97,  313-16; 
deed  for  his  house,  359,  360; 
papers  relating  to  the  distribution 
of  his  estate,  360. 

De  Forest,  David,  son  of  Jesse,  1,  14; 
11,  284. 

De  Forest,  David,  son  of  Philip,  11, 
287. 

De  Forest,  David,  son  of  Samuel,  1, 
202,  215,  217,  277;  descendants  of, 
11,  300,  301,  314. 

De  Forest,  David  C.  (Don),  11,  28, 
297  «.,  316. 

De  Forest,  David  Lambert,  1,  233; 
11,  314,  328. 

De  Forest,  David  Lum,  11,  301,  314. 

De  Forest,  de  Lauzun,  birth  and 
name,  1,  282,  11,  4;  at  mother's 
death,  1,  300;  in  father's  will,  314; 


at  New  Haven,  11,  43;  death,  43, 
50;  genealogical  note  on,  304,  305, 
314;  children  of,  305. 
De  Forest,  Ebenezer,  son  of  Anthony 

I,  230,  257;  11,  346-48. 

De  Forest,  Ebenezer,  son  of  Nehe- 

miah,  11,  315. 
De  Forest,  Edward,  of  Stratford,  11, 

294,295,3I5- 
De  Forest,  Edward,  son  of  Edward, 

II,  294,  315. 

De  Forest,  Edward,  son  of  John,  11, 

315- 

De  Forest,  Edward  Francis,  11,  306. 
De  Forest,  Edward  Layton,  11,  309. 
De  Forest,  Edward  Wheeler,  11,  309. 
De  Forest,  Eleanor,  11,  9. 
De  Forest,  Elihu,  son  of  David  of 

Wilton,  war  record  of,  1,  233,  255; 

11,  292,  319,  320,  322;  children  of, 

314- 
De  Forest,  Elihu,  son  of  Joseph,  11, 

299,  314. 
De  Forest,  Elisha,  1,  233;  11,  294,  315, 

322,  340. 
De  Forest,  Eliud,  11,  313. 
De  Forest,  Eliza,  11,  24;  baptized,  33; 

and  the  moon,  101;  marriage,  ill; 

in  New  York,  153;  descendants  of, 

3°8,  309- 
De  Forest,  Eliza  Hallett,  11,  312. 
De  Forest,   Elizabeth,   daughter  of 

Charles,  11,  306. 
De   Forest,   Elizabeth,  daughter  of 

David,  11,  295,  296. 
De  Forest,  Elizabeth,  daughter  of  de 

Lauzun,  11,  305. 
De  Forest,   Elizabeth,   daughter  of 

Isaac,  11,  288. 
De  Forest,   Elizabeth,   daughter  of 

Jesse,  1,  14;  11,  283. 
De   Forest,   Elizabeth,   daughter  of 

Samuel,  1,  200,  217;  11,  297. 
De  Forest,  Ephraim,  1,  255;  11,  292, 

314,  320. 
De  Forest,  Ephraim  B.,  11,  314. 
De  Forest,  Erastus,  11,  315. 
De  Forest,  Esther,  11,  297. 
De  Forest,  Ethel,  11,  311. 
De    Forest,     Eunice,    daughter    of 

David,  11,  301. 
De    Forest,    Eunice,    daughter    of 

Edward,  n,  294. 
De  Forest,  Ezra,  11,  316. 


[  376  1 


Index 


De  Forest,  Frances  Emily,  n,  311. 
De  Forest,  Frederick  Lockwood  1st, 

son  of  Lockwood,  11,  102,  311. 
De  Forest,  Frederick  Lockwood  2nd, 
son  of  Lockwood,  n,  106,  132;  his 
account  of  Louisa's  wedding,  138; 
difficult  to  control,  140;  goes  to 
Amherst,  149;  genealogical  note 
on,  312. 

De  Forest,  Frederick  Lockwood,  son 
of  James  Goodrich,  11,  312. 

De  Forest,  George,  son  of  John,  1, 
257;  11,  343. 

De  Forest,  George  Beach,  11,  35;  at 
Mr.  Rowland's,  100,  101;  marriage 
engagement  of,  131;  his  devotion 
to  his  mother,  156;  descendants  of, 
3°9- 

De  Forest,  George  B.,  son  of  above, 
11,  309. 

De  Forest,  Gerard,  birth,  1,  9;  mem- 
ber of  Reformed  Church  at  Ley- 
den,  10;  married  and  settled  at 
Leyden,  15;  statement  of,  regard- 
ing Jesse's  departure  for  the  West 
Indies,  28,  29;  becomes  dyer  in 
colors  at  Leyden,  57,  58;  assists  his 
nephew  Hendrick,  64, 72;  contracts 
with  Van  Rensselaer  for  interest  in 
colony,  70,  71;  delays  in  paying 
his  full  share  of  expenses  of  colony, 
78;  and  Kiliaen  van  Rensselaer, 
text  of  contract  between,  11,  350- 
52. 

De  Forest,  Gerrit,  son  of  Henricus, 
11,  289. 

De  Forest,  Gerrit,  son  of  Isaack,  11, 
285,  286. 

De  Forest,  Gertrude,    See  Bornstra. 

De  Forest,  Gideon,  war  record  of,  1, 
237,  279;_n,  337,  338;  in  whale- 
boat  service,  1,  237,  256;  reunion 
at  home  of,  238;  11,  128;  genea- 
logical note  on,  299,  313. 

De  Forest,  Gilles,  1,  7. 

De  Forest,  Grandison,  11,  316. 

De  Forest,  Hannah,  11,  301. 

De  Forest,  Helen,  11,  309. 

De  Forest,  Henricus,  son  of  Henri- 
cus, 11,  289. 

De  Forest,  Henricus,  son  of  Isaack, 
1,  142;  11,  288,  289. 

De  Forest,  Henry,  son  of  David,  1, 
209,  275;  11,  295,  315. 


De  Forest,  Henry,  son  of  Ephraim, 
",  314- 

De  Forest,  Henry,  son  of  Henry,  war 
record  of,  1,  224,  225;  11,  341,  342; 
genealogical  note  on,  295,  315. 

De  Forest,  Henry,  son  of  Isaack,  1, 
147;  11,  285. 

De  Forest,  Henry  (Hendrick),  son  of 
Jesse,  1,  14;  adventures  contained 
in  Van  Rensselaer  Bowier  Manu- 
scripts, 63;  helped  by  his  uncle, 
Gerard,  64,  72;  in  service  of 
Swanendael  patroons,  64-69;  sails 
on  the  "Whale,"  67-69;  in  service 
of  West  India  Co.,  69;  decides 
to  settle  in  America,  69,  70;  be- 
comes mate  of  the  Rensselaers- 
wyck,  72;  marriage,  75;  sails  on 
the  Rensselaerswyck,  75;  writes 
home  from  England,  78,  79;  ar- 
rives in  New  Netherland,  81; 
secures  grant  on  Manhattan 
Island,  82;  builds  house,  83-87; 
sails  for  Virginia,  87,  88;  illness 
and  death,  88,  89;  funeral,  89,  90; 
his  estate,  90-97,  99-101,  1 12-15; 
declaration  of,  concerning  pa- 
troons, 11,  352-55;  copy  of  petition 
of  Jean  de  Forest  relative  to  estate 
of,  355,  356. 

De  Forest,  Henry  Grant,  his  remi- 
niscences of  his  brother  Wheeler, 
11,  39,  40;  birth,  105;  his  descrip- 
tion of  Aunt  Betsey,  105,  106;  his 
reminiscences  of  the  Greenwich 
Street  days,  107-10;  at  boarding- 
school,  118,  120-22;  letter  to,  from 
his  father,  119;  enters  Amherst 
College,  122-26;  words  of,  regard- 
ing his  brother  Wheeler's  educa- 
tion, 123,  124;  letter  of  Wheeler 
to,  124,  125;  wishes  to  come  home 
for  vacation,  126,  127;  an  apprecia- 
tion of  his  brother  Wheeler,  135; 
neglectful  at  college,  141;  his  ac- 
counts while  at  college,  141,  142; 
improves,  142,  143;  extracts  from 
letters  of  Wheeler  to,  143-45;  as^s 
for  a  present  of  Shakespeare,  146; 
graduates  from  Amherst  and  goes 
to  Law  School  at  New  Haven,  149; 
his  early  memories  of  his  mother, 
156;  devoted  to  his  brother 
Wheeler,    161;  enters    law   office, 


[  377  ] 


Index 


161;  fellow-students  of,  162;  enters 
on  practice,  162;  marriage,  162, 
163;  his  love  for  his  father,  166; 
descendants  of,  311. 

De  Forest,  Henry  Lockwood,  11,  3 1 1. 

De  Forest,  Henry  Wheeler,  11,  311. 

De  Forest,  Henry  Wheeler,  Jr.,  11, 

3"- 

De  Forest,  Hephsa,  11,  301. 
De  Forest,  Hepzibah  ("  Aunt  Hep- 
sy"),  birth,  1, 176, 187;  and  Grand- 
mother Harvey,  200;  account  of 
her  character  and  life,  204-08;  at 
time  of  her  parents'  death,  216;  at 
Barn  Hill,  11, 44;  her  children,  299, 
300. 

De' Forest,  Hettie  Wheeler,  11,  311. 

De  Forest,  Hezekiah,  son  of  Benja- 
min, 11,  296,  315. 

De  Forest,  Hezekiah,  son  of  David, 
11,  292,  313,  318,  319. 

De  Forest,  Hezekiah,  son  of  Heze- 
kiah, 11,  313. 

De  Forest,  Huldah,  11,  295. 

De  Forest,  Isaac,  son  of  Benjamin, 
11,  297,  316. 

De  Forest,  Isaac,  son  of  David  of 
Derby,  11,  301,  314. 

De  Forest,  Isaac,  son  of  David  01 
Stratford,  11,  293,  294,  311;. 

De  Forest,  Isaac,  son  of  David  of 
Wilton  2nd,  11,  313. 

De  Forest,  Isaac,  son  of  Edward, 
11,294,315,321. 

De  Forest,  Isaac,  sonof  Ehsha,  11,  315. 

De  Forest,  Isaac,  son  of  Isaac,  son  of 
Benjamin,  11,  316. 

De  Forest,  Isaac,  son  of  Isaac  of 
Newtown,  war  record  of,  1,  229, 
231;  11,  294,  320,  321,  338,  339; 
descendants  of,  294,  315. 

De  Forest,  Isaac,  son  of  Isaack,  1, 
142;  11,  288. 

De  Forest,  Isaac,  son  of  Philip,  11, 
287. 

De  Forest,  Isaac,  son  of  William,  11, 

117,303- 
De  Forest,  Isaac   (unidentified),  11, 

327- 
De  Forest,  Isaack,  birth,  1,  16;  11, 
283;  decides  to  settle  in  America, 
1,  69,  70,  72;  arrives  in  New  Neth- 
erland,  81,  109;  at  Vredendal  with 
his  sister,  92,  no;  and  Hendrick's 


property,  99,   100,    112,   113;  his 
bouwery,  109,  1 10,  1 14-16;  mar- 
riage,  no,  in;  the  Court  Mes- 
senger, no;  contracts  to  have  a 
house  built,  112;  birth  and  death 
of    son    Jessen,    113;    leases    his 
bouwery   to   John   Denton,    114; 
sells  house  and  part  of  bouwery, 
115;  removes  to  New  Amsterdam, 
116;  his  house  on  Winckel  Straet, 
117;  obtains  property  on  Marckt- 
veldt,   117;  removes  to  Brouwer 
Straet,  1 18;  a  free  merchant,  123; 
conducts  a  brewery,   124;  assists 
Van  Couwenhoven,  125,  126;  gets 
possession  of  the  old  church  prop- 
erty, 126;  builds  house  on  church 
lot,    127;  other  houses  built  by, 
128;  one  of  the  Nine  Men,  129, 
130;  becomes  a  schepen,  130,  134; 
other  positions   held   by,    130;   a 
public-spirited  man,  131,  132;  be- 
comes  a  great  burgher,    132-34; 
his  son  Jan,  135;  taken  prisoner  by 
the  English,  136,  137;  signs  peti- 
tion for  surrender  of  New  Amster- 
dam,   138,    139;    takes    oath    of 
allegiance  to  England,  140;  makes 
joint  will  with  his  wife,   141-43; 
death,  143;  funeral,  143-45;  s'ze  °f 
his  estate,  145,  146;  the  period  of 
his  life,  146;  site  of  his  house,  147 
n.\    descendants    of,    11,    285-89; 
copy  of  grant  of  land  to,  357,  358; 
deed  to,  from  Jan  Verbrugge,  for 
house  and  lot,  359. 
De  Forest,  Israel,  1,  16;  11,  283. 
De  Forest,  James,  son  of  Edward,  11, 

3I5,34I- 
De  Forest,  James,  son  of  John,  11, 

3i5,34i- 

De  Forest,  James  Goodrich,  11,  106; 
at  boarding-school,  118,  120-22; 
hard  to  control,  140;  goes  to  Am- 
herst, 149;  descendants  of,  311, 
312. 

De  Forest,  James  Goodrich,  Jr.,  11, 
312. 

De  Forest,  Jan,  1,  135. 

De  Forest,  Jane,  11,  33,  35;  marriage, 
in;  in  New  York,  152,  153,  158; 
descendants  of,  309. 

De  Forest,  Jaspard,  1,  7. 

De  Forest,  Jean,  father  of  Jesse,  1,  7; 


[  378  ] 


Ind 


ex 


marriage,  9;  children,  9;  becomes 
a  Protestant,  9,   10;   removes  to 
Sedan,  10,  13;  emigrates  to  Hol- 
land, 11. 
De     Forest,     Jean     (Jan,     Jehan, 
Johannes),  son  of  Jesse,  baptism,  1, 
14;  invests  in  his  father's  emigra- 
tion enterprise,  72,  78;  his  claim 
to  portion  of  Hendrick's  estate,  99, 
IOO>  "3!  genealogical  note  on,  11, 
283,  284;  copy  of  petition  of,  rela- 
tive   to  Hendrick's    estate,    355, 
356. 
De  Forest,  Jeremie,  1,  57. 
De  Forest,  Jesse,  a  Walloon,  1,  3; 
birth,  5,  13;  forbears  of,  5;  grand- 
parents of,  5-7;  father  of,  7-12; 
childhood   at  Avesnes,    13;   mar- 
riage,  14;  children,   14,   16;  mer- 
chant and   dyer  at  Leyden,    15; 
enlists     Walloons     and     French 
Protestants  to  emigrate  to  Amer- 
ica,   18;    his    interview   with    Sir 
Dudley  Carleton,  18;  demands  of, 
19,   20;  Virginia   Company's  an- 
swer to  his  demands,  21;  appeals 
to  "States  of  Holland  and  West 
.    Friesland,"  22;  appeals  to  States 
General,  22;  his  request  granted, 
23;  Journal  of  his  voyage,  24,  28; 
11,  171-279;  petitions  to  transport 
families  to  South  America,  1,  26; 
11,  179;  commands  expedition  of 
heads  of  families,  1,  26,  27;  claim 
that  he  founded  New  York,  28,  29; 
sails  for  America,  30;  account  of 
his  voyage  to  America,  30-32,  35, 
36;  11,   176;  never  came  to  New 
Netherland,  1,  34;  along  the  Ama- 
zon,    36-40;     at    the    Wyapoko 
River,     40-55;     as     peace-maker 
among  the  Indians,  48;  visits  the 
Caribs,  50;  death,  50,  51;  11,  178; 
children  of,  1,  57-108;  11,  283-85; 
evidence   in   the  Journal   for  his 
colony,    172,    173;    possibly   part 
author  of  the  Journal,   181.     See 
Journal. 
De  Forest,  Jesse,  son  of  Henricus,  11, 

289. 
De  Forest,  Jesse,  son  of  Jean,  1,  9,  1 1. 
De  Forest,  Jesse,  son  of  Jesse,  1,  16; 

11,  283,  285. 
De  Forest,  Jesse,  son  of  Philip,  11,  287. 


De  Forest,  Jessen,  1,  113;  n,  $85. 
De  Forest,  Johannes,  son  of  Isaac, 

11,  288. 
De  Forest,  Johannes,  son  of  Philip, 

n,  287. 
De  Forest,  John,  son  of  Edward,  11, 

294,  315- 
De  Forest,  John  (Johannes),  son  of 

Isaack,  1,  142,  147;  n,  286,  287. 
De  Forest,  John,  son  of  John,  son  of 

Edward,  11,  315. 
De  Forest,  John,  son  of  John  (un- 
identified), 1,  258;  11,  343. 
De  Forest,  John  Hancock,  11,  316. 
De  Forest,  John  W.,  The  de  Forests 
of  Avesnes,  1,  4  «.;  n,  313;  on  the 
Walloons,  1,  5;  argues  that  Jesse 
sailed  to  America  in  the  "New 
Netherland,"   29  n.;  his  descrip- 
tion of  David  de  Forest's  house, 
164,  165. 
De  Forest,  Johnston,  11,  311. 
De  Forest,  Joseph,  son  of  David,  11, 

301,  314. 
De  Forest,  Joseph,  son  of  Elihu,  11, 

314. 
De  Forest,  Joseph,  son  of  Edward,  1, 

232511,  295,  315,  340,  341. 
De  Forest,  Joseph,  son  of  Joseph,  11, 

315- 
De  Forest,  Joseph,  son  of  Samuel, 
birth,  1,  176;  at  age  of  twelve,  200; 
marries  and  builds  homestead, 
204;  memorializes  General  Assem- 
bly, 213;  in  mother's  will,  215; 
death,  217;  descendants  of,  11,  298, 

299.  3H- 
De  Forest,  Josephine,  11,  309. 
De  Forest,  Josiah,  1,  202,  217,  275; 

11,  297,  314.  _ 
De  Forest,  Judith  Brasher,  11,  311. 
De  Forest,  Julia  Brasher,  11,  311. 
De  Forest,  Julia  Mary,  11,  311. 
De  Forest,  Lemuel,  11,  292,  313. 
De  Forest,  Linson,  1,  311;  11,316. 
De  Forest,  Lockwood,  son  of  Henry 

G.,  11,311. 
De  Forest,  Lockwood,  son  of  above, 

n,  311. 
De  Forest,  Lockwood,  son  of  Nehe- 

miah,  birth,  1,  276;  11,  3;  marriage, 

1,  295;  11,  5,  6;  at  mother's  death, 

1,  300;  in  Weston,  309;  11,  10-12; 

mentioned  in  father's  will,  1,  314; 


[  379  ] 


Index 


childhood,  ii,  3,  4;  schooling,  4; 
reminiscences  of  his  married  life, 
6-8;    opens    store    and    becomes 
Treasurer  of  New  Stratford,  9,  10; 
town  constable,    10;   removes  to 
Fairfield,  13 ;  official  appointments, 
13;  has  charge  of  gaol,  13,  14;  resi- 
dence at  Fairfield,   15,   16;  buys 
store  at  New  Stratford,  20;  official 
duties,   20,   21;  runs  department 
store  at  Bridgeport,   22;  removes 
to  New  Haven,  23;  official^  posi- 
tions in  New  Haven,  24;  shipping 
merchant   on    Union  Wharf,  25, 
27,  28;  residence  of,  29-31;  joins 
the  church,  32;  taken  to  account 
for  playing  cards,  33,  34,  65;  char- 
acter of,  34,  35.  46,  47;  children 
born  to,  at  New  Haven,  35;  letter 
of,  to  Captain  Coggeshall,  36;  letter 
of,  to  his  son  William  Wheeler, 
37-39;  removes  to  New  York,  41, 
46;    church    trial    of,    48-98;    at 
Greenwich    Village,     98-100;    re- 
moves to  Roosevelt  St.,  100;  other 
residences  of,  103,  104,  107;  chil- 
dren born  to,  at  New  York,  105, 
106;   marriage   of    children,    in; 
takes   son  Wheeler  into^  partner- 
ship, 1 1 1;  business^  premises,  in; 
wins  suit  against  insurance  com- 
panies, 112;  as  a  father,  112;  con- 
troversy with    his    son   Wheeler, 
1 12-16;    removes   to   Bridgeport, 
117;  life  at   Bridgeport,   117-20; 
and     his     horses,     1 18,     147-49; 
letter     to     Henry    and     James, 
121,  122;  advice  to  son  entering 
Amherst,   126;  urges  his _  son  not 
to  come  home  for  vacation,  126, 
127;  in  public  affairs,  129;  joy  at 
news  that  son  has  decided  to  join 
the  church,  129,  130;  plants  trees 
around  Fairfield  Green,  130,  131; 
reconciliation   of,    with   Wheeler, 
132-34;   visits   Washington,    140; 
writes  to  his  son  Henry  at  college, 
141,   142;  his  estimate  of  Shake- 
speare,   146;   buys    Family   Bible 
and  begins  to  keep  family  records, 
149-51;   removes   to  New  York, 
151-53;  failing  health,   164;  will, 
164;  death,  165;  the  accomplish- 
ment of  his  life,  165,  166;  genea- 


logical  note   on,    303,    304,   314; 

descendants  of,  307-12;  deeds  of 

property,  363,  364. 
De  Forest,  Lockwood  N.,  11,  303. 
De  Forest,  Louis  Stanislas  Hargous, 

11,  3°9- 

De  Forest,  Louisa,  nearly  loses  her 
life,  11, 104;  at  home,i  18;  marriage, 
138;  son  born  to,  146;  at  Albany, 
153;  removes  to  New  York,  158; 
genealogical  note  on,  307,  311. 

De  Forest,  Louise  Woodruff,  11,  311. 

De  Forest,  Marcus,  11,  303. 

De  Forest,  Margaret,  11,  288. 

De  Forest,  Margaret  Eliza,  11,  131, 

3°9- 
De  Forest,  Maria,  daughter  of  Hen- 

ricus,  11,  289. 
De  Forest,  Maria,  daughter  of  Isaac, 

11,  288. 
De  Forest,  Maria,  daughter  of  Isaack, 

I,  142;  11,  285,  289. 

De  Forest,  Marie.   See  Du  Cloux. 
De  Forest,  Marie,  daughter  of  Isaack, 

II,  285. 

De  Forest,  Marie,  daughter  of  Jesse, 
1,  14;  11,  283. 

De  Forest,  Martha,  daughter  of 
David  of  Stratford,  11,  290,  291. 

De  Forest,  Martha,  daughter  of 
David  of  Wilton,  11,  292. 

De  Forest,  Martha,  daughter  of 
Edward,  11,  294. 

De  Forest,  Martha,  daughter  of 
Samuel,  1,  176,  199,  217;  11,  297. 

De  Forest,  Martha,  wife  of  David. 
See  Blagge. 

De  Forest,  Mary,  daughter  of  David, 
1,  163,  170;  11,  290. 

De  Forest,  Mary,  daughter  of 
Edward,  11,  295. 

De  Forest,  Mary,  daughter  of  Sam- 
uel, birth,  1,  176;  at  age  of  fifteen, 
199;  marriage,  203,  204;  at  par- 
ents' death,  216;  genealogical  note 
on,  11,  297;  children  of,  298. 

De  Forest,  Mary,  wife  of  Nehemiah, 
letters  to,  from  her  father,  1,  271- 
75;  children  born  to,  276,  277; 
death,  300.   See  Lockwood,  Mary. 

De  Forest,  Mary  Ann,  11,  303. 

De  Forest,  Mary  Jane,  1,  311. 

De  Forest,  Mary  Lockwood,  daugh- 
ter of  Lockwood,  11,  11;  baptism, 


[  38°] 


Index 


33;  marriage,  102;  at  Fairfield, 
118,  130,  131,  153;  descendants  of, 
307,  308. 

De  Forest,  Mary  Lockwood,  mother 
of  Lockwood,  death,  11,  5. 

De  Forest,  Mehetabel  (Hetty),  mar- 
riage, 11,  5,  6;  reminiscences  of  her 
married  life,  6-8;  sells  interest  in 
farm  at  Foolshatch,  31;  a  grand- 
daughter's description  of,  154, 155; 
devotion  of  her  children  and 
grandchildren  to,  155,  156,  163; 
her  kindness  to  her  relatives,  157; 
as  widow,  166;  death,  167.  See 
Wheeler,  Mehetabel. 

De  Forest,  Melchior,  grandfather  of 
Jesse,  1,  5-7. 

De  Forest,  Melchior,  son  of  Jean,  1, 

9>  IO>  *5- 

De  Forest,  Metje,  11,  287. 

De  Forest,  Michiel,  11,  285. 

De  Forest,  Mills,  war  record  of,  r, 
232,  237;  11,  299,  314,  333-36;  at 
reunion  of  brothers,  1,  238;  11,  128. 

De  Forest,  Mitchell  Lamson,  n,  315. 

De  Forest,  Nathan,  11,  314. 

De  Forest,  Nehemiah,  son  of  Benja- 
min, 1,  231,  259;  11,  296,  315,  342, 

343- 

De  Forest,  Nehemiah,  son  of  Sam- 
uel, birth,  1,  199,  259;  marriage, 
208,  260,  261;  remains  at  the  old 
homestead,  208,  217;  his  portion, 
208,  259,  261;  memorializes  Gen- 
eral Assembly,  213,  264;  provided 
for  in  mother's  will,  215;  assists  in 
War,  229,  254,  256,  277-79;  invests 
in  land,  265;  as  innkeeper,  265-69; 
in  public  affairs,  270,  271;  loss  of 
father,  mother,  brother,  and  uncle, 
275;  children  born  to,  276,  277; 
de  Lauzun  at  inn  of,  279-83;  on 
committee  of  reconciliation  in  mat- 
ter of  new  township,  285  ;  and 
Lockwood's  marriage,  295;  11,  6; 
second  marriage,  1,  301;  11,  5,  9; 
a  Mason,  1,  302;  in  public  affairs, 
303-05;  removes  to  Weston,  309- 
12;  will  and  death,  312-14;  11,  11, 
41;  epitaph,  1,  314;  children  of,  11, 
301-06,  314;  deeds  of  property, 
362,  363. 

De  Forest,  Othniel,  n,  297,  316. 

De  Forest,  Philip,  1,  142;  11,  287. 


De  Forest,  Philippe,  1,  16;  11,  283. 
De  Forest,  Philo,  son  of  Hezekiah, 

".315- 
De  Forest,  Philo,  son  of  John,  11,  3 15. 
De  Forest,  Philo,  son  of  Nehemiah, 

I,  300,  312;  in  father's  will,  314; 
genealogical  note  on,  11,  304,  314. 

De  Forest,  Phcebe,  11,  289. 

De  Forest,  Polly,  daughter  of  David, 

II,  301. 

De  Forest,  Polly  (Mary),  daughter 
of  Nehemiah,  at  mother's  death, 

I,  3°l.  303;  marriage,  305,  307, 
308;  death,  308;  mentioned  in 
father's  will,  3 14;  joins  the  church, 

II,  42;  genealogical  note  on,  303, 

3°4- 

De  Forest,  Rachel,  birth,  1,  14;  mar- 
riage, 58,  59;  sails  for  Tobago,  59; 
returns  to  Holland,  62;  decides  to 
settle  in  America,  69,  70,  72;  in 
America,  92;  death,  104,  113; 
guardianship  of  her  three  grand- 
children, 11,  284;  children  of,  284. 

De  Forest  (De  Frees),  Reuben,  1, 
230,  257;  11,  343-46. 

De  Forest,  Richard,  11,  301,  314. 

De  Forest,  Robert  W.,  11,  151,  311. 

De  Forest,  Sally,  11,  299. 

De  Forest,  Samuel,  son  of  David  of 
Stratford,  birth,  1,  174;  baptism, 
174;  owns  the  covenant,  174;  mar- 
riage, 174,  176;  his  home,  175-77; 
removes  to  Moose  Hill,  in  Ripton, 
180-82;  builds  house,  182-86; 
date  of  his  settlement  in  Ripton, 
186,  187;  getting  settled,  188;  in 
public  affairs,  196,  197;  becomes 
military  officer,  198;  on  church 
committees,  198,  199;  his  holdings, 
202;  memorializes  General  Assem- 
bly, 209-11;  how  affected  by  set- 
ting off  of  New  Stratford,  211,  212; 
second  memorial  of,  212;  third 
memorial  of,  and  answer  thereto, 
213,  214;  death,  216,  275;  descend- 
ants of,  11,  292,  297-301,  3 14;  deed 
for  property  of,  360,  361. 

De  Forest,  Samuel,  son  of  David  of 
Wilton  1st,  in  the  Revolutionary 
War,  11,  224-26,  233-36,  292,  322- 
25;  member  of  Society  of  the  Cin- 
cinnati, 1,  236;  11,  292;  children  of, 
314- 


[  381  ] 


Index 


De  Forest,  Samuel,  son  of  David  of 

Wilton  2nd,  II,  313. 
De  Forest,  Samuel,  son  of  Ephraim, 

ii,3I4- 
De  Forest,  Samuel  or  Lemuel,  son  of 

Isaac,  11,  316. 
De  Forest,  Samuel  ("The  Fifer"), 
son  of  Joseph,  war  record  of,  1, 
228;  11,  328-30;  three  brothers  of, 

I,  232;  11,  128,  299;  personal  nar- 
rative of,  1,  238-53;  genealogical 
note  on,  11,  299. 

De  Forest,  Samuel,  son  of  Samuel,  1, 

200,  217;  11,  314. 
De  Forest,  Samuel  Adams,  11,  315. 
De  Forest,  Samuel  Henry,  11,  301, 

314- 

De  Forest,  Sara,  11,  287. 

De  Forest,  Sarah,  daughter  of  Da- 
vid, 1,  163,  170;  11,  290. 

De  Forest,  Sarah,  daughter  of  Ed- 
ward, 11,  294. 

De  Forest,  Sarah,  daughter  of  Hen- 
ricus,  11,  289. 

De  Forest,  Sarah,  daughter  of  Isaac, 

II,  288. 

De  Forest,  Sarah,  daughter  of  Lock- 
wood,  11,  35;  marriage,  in;  ad- 
vises Henry  not  to  come  home  for 
vacation,  127;  in  New  York,  153; 
descendants  of,  3 10. 

De  Forest,  Sarah  Sterling,  11,  306. 

De  Forest,  Shepherd  Knapp,  11,  309. 

De  Forest,  Sidney,  11,  316. 

De  Forest,  Stephen  Hallett,  11,  312. 

De  Forest,  Susan,  daughter  of  Lock- 
wood,  birth,  11,  21;  baptism,  33; 
her  love  affair,  99,  100;  account  of 
her  wedding,  102,  103;  in  New 
York,  153;  descendants  of,  308. 

De  Forest,  Susanna,  11,  287. 

De  Forest,  Susannah,  daughter  of 
Henricus,  11,  289. 

De  Forest,  Susannah,  daughter  of 
Isaack,  1,  142;  11,  285. 

De  Forest,  Susannah,  daughter  of 
John,  11,  287. 

De  Forest,  Susannah  Mills,  1,  238; 
11,  298.    See  Mills,  Susannah. 

De  Forest,  Timothy,  1,  228;  11,  295, 

315.  342- 
De  Forest,  Tory,  1,  255. 

De  Forest,  Uriah,  1,  229511, 313,  325, 

326. 


De  Forest,  William,  son  of  Benj  amin, 

11,  316. 
De  Forest,  William,  son  of  Edward, 

1,  224,  225;  11,295,  315,  34°- 
De  Forest,  William,  son  of  John,  1, 

258;  n,  343. 
De  Forest,  William,  son  of  Joseph, 

n,  315- 

De  Forest,  William,  son  of  Nehe- 
miah,  birth,  1,  276;  at  mother's 
death,  300;  removes  to  Weston, 
309;  11,  10-12;  mentioned  in  fa- 
ther's will,  1,  3 14;  genealogical  note 
on,  11,  302,  314;  descendants  of, 
303- 

De  Forest,  William  A.,  11,  305. 

De  Forest,  William  B.,  11,  305. 

De  Forest,  William  Wheeler,  son  of 
James  Goodrich,  11,  312. 

De  Forest,  William  Wheeler,  son  of 
Lockwood,  11,  9,  15,  33;  character, 
35,  39;  joins  sailing  vessel,  35,  36; 
letter  of  his  father  to  Captain 
Coggeshall,  36;  letter  of  his  father 
t0,  37~395  his  later  success  in  life, 
39,  100;  adventures  of,  on  voyage, 
39-41;  visits  of,  to  Newtown  and 
Barn  Hill,  45;  at  his  sister's  wed- 
ding, 103;  taken  into  partnership 
by  his  father,  1 1 1 ;  controversy  with 
his  father,  1 12-16;  his  brother 
Henry's  description  of  his  educa- 
tion, 123,  124;  letter  of,  to  Henry, 
124,  125;  reconciliation  of,  with  his 
father,  132-34;  an  appreciation  of, 
by  Henry,  135;  his  description  of 
Louisa's  wedding,  139;  visits  New 
York,  139;  extracts  from  his  letters 
to  Henry,  143-45;  on  holiday  in 
Europe,  145;  his  devotion  to  his 
mother,  155;  entertained  his  rela- 
tives, 158;  his  popularity,  159; 
his  love  of  horses,  159,  160;  and 
Napoleon's  snuff-box,  160;  and  the 
Mercantile  Exchange  building, 
160,  161;  his  wealth,  161;  devoted 
to  his  brother  Henry,  161;  rents 
house  to  Henry,  163;  buys  resi- 
dence on  Fifth  Avenue,  166;  gene- 
alogical note  on,  307. 

De  Forest,  Zalmon,  11,  314. 

De     Forest,    Zeruiah     (Zerua),    11, 
294. 

De  Forest  prize  at  Yale,  11,  297  n. 


[  382  ] 


Index 


De  Forests  in  war  time,  I,  218-58, 

277-83. 
De  Forests  (Defreests)  of  Albany,  11, 

287. 
De  Hooges,  Elenora,  n,  284. 
De  Laet,  Johannes,  1,  64. 
De  Lauzun,  Due,  1,  279-82;  11,  305. 
De  la  Grange,  Crispin,  1,  15. 
De  la  Grange,  Hester,  1,  15. 
Delaware   Bay,   1,  64.      See   South 

River. 
Denton,  John,  1,  114. 
De  Peyster,  A.,  1,  149. 
De  Riemer,  Isaac,  11,  289. 
De  Riemer,  Peter,  11,  286. 
De  Rochambeau,  Comte,  1,  279,  281. 
De  Rymier,  Peter.     See  De  Riemer. 
Descendre,  Anthoine,  1,  27;  11,  189. 
Desha,  Julia,  n,  311. 
Devil's  Den,  the,  11,  11. 
De  Vries,  David,  1,  64,  66,  67,  88,  89. 
Digan,  Barthelemi,  1,  27;  11,  189. 
Disborough,  Mercy,  11,  16  n. 
Doctors  in  New  Netherland,  1,  98. 
Donckaerts,  Jasper,  his  account  of 
,     house-building  in  New  Netherland, 

1,  86. 

Douillers,  Abraham,  1,  27;  11,  189. 

Downer,  Adeline,  11,  309. 

Downer,  Bertha  A.,  11,  309. 

Downer,  Charles,  11,  309. 

Downer,  Charlotte  F.,  11,  309. 

Downer,  Eliza.  See  De  Forest,  Eliza. 

Downer,  Eliza  de  Forest,  11,  309. 

Downer,  Frederick  William,  11,  309. 

Downer,  Lisa  de  Forest,  11,  309. 

Downer,  Louis  de  Forest,  11,  309. 

Downer,  Samuel,  11,  in,  308. 

Downer,  Samuel  Robinson,  11,  309. 

Downer,  Sarah  W.,  n,  309. 

Downer,  Sophia  W.,  n,  309. 

Downer,  William  Forbes,  n,  309. 

Drapers'  Guild  at  Leyden,  1,  16. 

Du  Chesne,  Susanna,  1,  no. 

Du  Cloux,  Marie,  1,  14,  57,  58- 

Du  Cloux,  Nicaise,  1,  14. 

Du  Fosset,  Catherine,  1,  5. 

Dummer,  Jeremiah,  1,  156. 

•Dunning,  Phebe,  11,  313. 

Dutch  West  India  Company,  1,  14, 
22,  25,  54,  60;  original  records  of, 
34  n.;  patroon  system  of,  63-69. 

Du  Trieux  (de  Truy,  Truax),  Phil- 
ippe, 1,  no,  in,  113- 


Du  Trieux,  Sara,  1,  101,   no,  in, 

141-43,  147. 
Dwight,  Helen  Rood,  11,  308. 
Dwight,  Rev.  Timothy,  11,  308. 
Dwight,  Winthrop  Edwards,  11,  308. 
Dyers  at  Leyden,  1,  15,  16. 
Dye-woods,  1,  49. 

Earle,  Alice  Morse,  1,  68  n. 
Easton,  Conn.,  1,  309  w.;  11,  10  n. 
Edmundson,  Rev.  George,  11,  173. 
Edwards,  Abby  Hiller,  11,  310. 
Edwards,  Alice  Minturn,  11,  310. 
Edwards,  Camilla,  11,  310. 
Edwards,  Charles  Atwood,  11,  310. 
Edwards,  Edward,  11,  185  n. 
Edwards,  Edwin  Wakeman,  11,  310. 
Edwards,  Helen  Aldis,  11,  310. 
Edwards,  Helena  Roosevelt,  11,  310. 
Edwards,  Hetty  de  Forest,  11,  3 10. 
Edwards,  Jonathan,  1,  192,  298. 
Edwards,  Katharine  Hiller,  11,  310. 
Edwards,  Katharine  Livingstone,  11, 

310. 
Edwards,  Mary  Porter,  11,  310. 
Edwards,   Sarah.      See   De   Forest, 
Sarah. 

Edwards,  Sarah  de  Forest,  11,  310. 

Edwards,  Susan  Lord,  11,  310. 

Edwards,  Walter,  father,  II,  III,  3 IO- 

Edwards,  Walter,  son,  11,  310. 

Edwards,  Wheeler  de  Foiest,  11,  310. 

Edwards,  William  Henry  Leonard, 
11,  310. 

Ely,  Rev.  David,  1,  257;  11,  298. 

Ely,  Zebulon,  11,  298. 

English,  the,  New  Amsterdam  taken 

by,  1,  I35-39- 
Episcopalians    and    Congregational- 

ists,  1,  303-05. 
Epitaphs,  1,  300. 
Essequibo  River,  I,  38,  55;  II,  172. 

175,  176,  265,  276-79. 
Evarts,  William  M.,  11,  162. 
Exchange,   system  of,  among  New 

England  planters,  1,  201,  202. 

Fairchild,  Daniel,  11,  291. 
Fairfield,  Conn.,  1,  153,  228,  254;  n, 

13-23,  130,  131- 
Families,  large,  11,  106. 
Family  Bible,  n,  150,  W*  287  n. 
Fifth  Connecticut  regiment,  1,  224- 

26,  234. 


[  383  ] 


Index 


Fitch,  Hannah,  i,  260. 

Fitch,  John  W.,  n,  3°7- 

"Flying  Dragon,"  the,  1,  54,  55,  60; 

11,  178,  259,  265  «.,  269. 
Foolshatch,  1,  286;  11,  5,  31. 
Fort  Orange,  1,  107. 
Fortuyn,  the,  1,  59-6l. 
Fosdick,  Lucian  J.,  quoted  on  the  life 

of  the  Huguenots  in  America,  1, 

92>  93- 

Four  Revolutionary  Brothers,  1,  238; 

11,  128,  299,  328-38. 
Fransen,  Bout,  1,  103. 
Fredericsz,  Pieter,  1,  25,  27,  30;  11, 

177,  189. 
Free  merchants,  1,  73. 
Freedoms,  1,  71  n. 
Freemen,  1,  73. 
French,  Othniel,  1,  246-48. 
French  and  Indian  War,  de  Forests 

in,  n,  292-94,  3I3-I5.  3i8~22- 
Frink,  Mr.,  11,  148. 
Funeral,  description  of,  I,  143-45* 

Games,    lawful     and    unlawful,    1, 

267. 
Gaols  in  New  Netherland,  11,  13,  14, 

16-19. 
Genealogical,     notes,    11,     283-312; 

chart,  313-16. 
Gladding,  D.  S.,  11,  51-55,  68,  69. 
Godebon,  Jehan,  1,  27;  11,  189. 
Gold,  Hezekiah,  1,  192,  194,  196. 
Golden  marcasite,  1,  49;  11,  273. 
Goodrich,  Captain  James,  II,  28,  54, 

59,  70. 
Grandmother  Harvey,  1,  188,  200. 
Grant,  Josiah  Curtis,  1,  297. 
Grant  of  land,  copy  of,  11,  357,  358. 
Grants  to  settlers,  1,  82. 
Gravestones,  1,  300  n. 
Great  Awakening,  The,  I,  192-96. 
Great  burghers,  1,  132-34. 
Green  Dragon.    See  Flying  Dragon. 
Greenwich  St.,  11,  107. 
Greenwich  Village,  11,  99. 
Gregory,    Alary    (Polly),    11,    297, 

316. 
Gregory,  Peter  L.,  11,  22. 
Gromwegel,  Captain,  1,  38. 
Guersignies,  1,  6. 
Guiana,  1,  38;  colonists  in,  40-56;  a 

voyage  to,  Journal  of,  n,  171-279; 

bibliography  of,  365,  366. 


Habbesen,  Jan,  1,  1 12. 
Hainaut,  1,  4,  5,  8. 
Hallett,  Julia  T.,  11,  311. 
Hansen,  Hans,  1,  94. 
Harcourt,  Robert,  1,  40. 
Hargous,  Anita,  11,  309. 
Harris,  Samuel,  11,  307. 
Hawks,  Electa,  11,  316. 
Hawley,  Abigail,  1,  260. 
Hawley,  Charity,  11,  300. 
Hawley,  Charles,  11,  300. 
Hawley,  Cyrus,  11,  300. 
Hawley,  Elisha,  11,  300. 

Hawley,  Elizabeth,  1,  291,  298. 

Hawley,  Francis,  11,  300. 

Hawley,  Hepzibah.    See  De  Forest, 
Hepzibah. 

Hawley,     Hepzibah,     daughter    of 
Hepzibah,  11,  300. 

Hawley,  Hezekiah,  11,  290. 

Hawley,  Jane,  1,  311;  11,  300,  316. 

Hawley,  Joseph,  1,  159,  170. 

Hawley,  Margaret,  11,  308. 

Hawley,  Martha,  11,  290. 

Hawley,  Mary  (Polly),  11,  300,  314. 

Hawley,  Matthew,  1,  291. 

Hawley,  Milton,  1,  205-07,  211,  270; 
11,  299. 

Hawley,  Stephen,  1,  170;  n,  290. 

Hawley,  Nancy,  11,  300. 

Hawley,  Nehemiah,  11,  290. 

Hawley,  Philena,  11,  300. 

Hawley,  Rev.  Thomas,  1,  260. 

Hayt,  Isabel,  11,  313. 

Hickock,  Eleanor,  1,  301;  11,  301,  314. 

Hickock,  Joseph,  1,  301  n. 

Hickock,  Sarah,  1,  301  n. 

Highboy,  an  old,  1,  290. 

Hiller,  Sara  Katharine,  n,  310. 

Hinman,  R.  R.,  quoted,  1,  220,  227. 

Historical  records,  of  New  Amster- 
dam, 11,  366-68;  of  Connecticut, 

369,  370. 

Hitchcock,  Captain  John,  11,  321. 

Holland,  Protestants  in,  1,  II;  Wal- 
loons emigrate  to,  II. 

Hollister,  Louise  Maynard,  11,  311. 

Hollister,  Maynard,  11,  311. 

Home  lot,  origin  of  the  name,  1,  153. 

Homestead  Farm,  1,  297-99. 

Hooker,  Rev.  Thomas,  1,  151. 

Hopkins,  Maria  Louisa,  n,  306,  314. 

Hoskins,  Cornelia  Estelle,  11,  310. 

House-building,  1,  83-87,  182-86. 


[384] 


Index 


Household,  care  of,  i,  292,  293. 
House  lot,  origin  of  the  name,   1, 

153- 

Houses,  in  New  Netherland,  1,  86, 87, 
119;  in  Stratford,  161,  164,  165, 
266,  267. 

Houset,  Gilles,  1,  65. 

Howells,  Henry  C,  11,  308. 

Hoyt,  Major  Joseph,  1,  251. 

Hubbell,  Sarah,  11,  294,  315. 

Hudde,  Andries,  1,  93-95,  99-101; 
marriage  banns  of,  11,  357. 

Hudde,  Hendrick,  1,  101. 

Huguenots,  of  the  Walloon  country 
under  Spanish  persecution,  1,  4; 
preachers  of,  among  the  Walloons, 
8;  life  in  America,  92,  93. 

Huntington,  Conn.,  1,  285. 

Indians,  in  Guiana,  1,  47,  48;  11,  242- 
47,  251,  261,  277;  on  Manhattan, 
1,   102-04,    IQ6,   1 13-16;  Pequot, 

151- 

Ingersoll,  Deborah,  11,  313. 

Inns  and  innkeepers,  1,  265-69,  279- 

83,301,  306,  307,311,312. 
Inoculation,  liberty  of,  1,  303. 

Jansz,  Pieter,  1,  30,  31,  37, 46;  11,  195, 
220-29,  24x- 

Jesse  de  Forest's  Journal.  See 
Journal. 

Jogues,  Father  Isaac,  1,  119. 

Johnson,  Rev.  Samuel,  1,  160. 

Johnson,  Hon.  William  Samuel,  1, 
160;  11,  298. 

Johnston,  Emily,  n,  311. 

Johnston,  John  Taylor,  11,  162. 

Journal  of  Jesse'de  Forest's  Voyage, 
in  British  Museum,  1,  23;  11,  171; 
title  of,  1,  24;  11,  173;  authorship 
of,  1,  24;  n,  178-82;  use  of,  as 
source,  1,  24-56;  use  of  term  "Cap- 
tain" in,  27;  11,  177,  178;  valuable 
as  historical  evidence,  1,  28-30;  11, 
172,  173;  maps  of,  1,  39,  40;  11, 
175;  public  reference  to,  172;  dis- 
covery of,  173;  description  of,  173- 
75;  concerning  the  printing  and 
translation  of,  175,  176;  summary 
of  the  account  contained  in,  176; 
possible  history  of,  183-87;  text 
and  translation  of,  188-279. 

Judson,  Agur,  11,  298. 


Kalm,  Peter,  his  description  of 
houses  in  New  Amsterdam,  1,  119. 

Keeler,  Phebe,  11,  292,  313. 

Kemble,  Meta,  11,  311. 

Kieft,  Willem,  Director  of  New  Am- 
sterdam, signs  ground  brief  for 
Andries  Hudde,  1,  94;  and  his 
councillors,  98,  99;  and  the  Indi- 
ans, 102,  113,  129;  signs  ground 
brief  for  La  Montagne,  105,  115; 
gives  patent  for  lot  to  Isaack  de 
Forest,  117;  on  cosmopolitanism 
of  New  Amsterdam,  119;  public 
tavern  built  by,  121;  organizes 
government  of  New  Netherland, 
129. 

King,  James  G.,  Jr.,  11,  162. 

King,  Peter,  1,  149. 

Kip,  Jacob,  1,  143;  11,  284. 

Kip,  Tryntie,  11,  287. 

Knapp,  Kate  Louise,  11,  309. 

Knight,  Madam,  her  description  of 
houses  in  New  Amsterdam,  1,  119. 

Knox,  Emma  Lefferts,  11,  310. 

Knox,  James  Hall  Mason,  11,  309. 

Knox,  Jane  de  Forest,  11,  309. 

Knox,  Louise  Wakeman,  11,  309. 

Koning,  Abraham,  11,  289. 

Krug,  Lydia,  11,  312. 

Kuyter,  Jochem  Pietersen  1,  109, 
113. 

Labatie,  Jan,  deed  from,  to  Jan 
Verbrugge,  for  house  and  lot,  11, 

358,  359- 

Lafayette,  Marquis  de,  1,  227. 

Lambert,  Rachel,  11,  292,  3 14. 

La  Montagne,  Gilles,  11,  285. 

La  Montagne,  Jean  Mousnier  de,  a 
pere  de  families,  1,  27;  11,  190;  pos- 
sibly scribe  of  part  of  Jesse  de 
Forest's  Journal,  1,  24,  43;  11,  179- 
81,  185;  and  Round  Robin,  1,  27; 
letter  of,  from  Wyapoko,  44-46; 
marries  Rachel  de  Forest,  58,  59; 
sails  for  Tobago,  59;  returns  to 
Leyden,  62;  decides  to  sail  for 
New  Netherland,  72;  daughter 
Marie  born,  80,  81;  in  command  at 
Muscoota,  88,  90,  91;  his  settle- 
ment of  Hendrick  de  Forest's 
estate,  94-97,  99-101;  resides  in 
Vredendal,  97,  98;  becomes  promi- 
nent in  New  Amsterdam,  98;  coun- 


[  385] 


Index 


cillor  of  Director  Kieft,  98,  99; 
evil  reports  concerning,  102; 
trouble  with  Indians,  102-04, 
106;  death  of  wife,  104,  105;  re- 
moves to  New  Amsterdam,  105; 
secures  new  ground  brief  for  his 
bouwery,  105;  marries  Angenietie 
Corssen,  105,  106;  councillor  of 
Peter  Stuyvesant,  106;  becomes 
vice-Director  of  Fort  Orange,  107; 
in  hard  circumstances,  107;  death, 
108;  children  of,  11,  284,  285. 

La  Montagne,  Jean,  Jr.,  1,  62,  1 16, 
128,  129;  n,  284. 

La   Montagne,   Jesse,   first   son   of 
Jean,  1,  62;  11,  284. 

La  Montagne,  Jesse,  second  son  of 
Jean,  n,  285. 

La  Montagne,  Jolant,  1,  59,  62;  11, 
284. 

La  Montagne,  Marie,  1,  80,  81,  92; 
11,  284. 

La  Montagne,  Rachel,  1,  62,  106;  11, 
284. 

La  Montagne,  William,  1, 105;  11,284. 

Lamson,  Anne,  11,  295,  315. 

Land  Records  of  New  Stratford,  1, 
265. 

Languages,  foreign,  value  of,  1,  145. 

Lebanon,  Conn.,  1,  282. 

Le  Fevre,  Jean,  1,  11,  12. 

Le  Maire,  Isaac,  1,  42  n. 

Le  Maire,  Jacob,  1,  42  n. 

Le  Maire,  Jacques,  1,  42  n. 

Le  Maire,  Louis,  1,  27,  42,  58,  60;  11, 
179,  189,  242. 

Leonard,  Camilla,  11,  310. 

Letter,  from  Wyapoko,  1,  44,  45; 
la  Montagne  to  Stuyvesant,  107; 
Peter  Lockwood  to  his  daughter, 
272-74;  Lockwood  de  Forest  to 
Captain  Coggeshall,  11,  36;  same  to 
Wheeler,  37-39;  same  to  Mr. 
Gladding,  52,  53;  same  to  Rev.  N. 
Taylor,  72,  92-94,  96,  97;  Rev.  N. 
Taylor  to  Lockwood  de  Forest, 
74-78,  90,  94,  95,  97;  Lockwood  de 
Forest  to  Rev.  Moses  Stuart,  80; 
Rev.  Moses  Stuart  to  Lockwood 
de  Forest,  80-84;  Lockwood  de 
Forest  to  George,  104;  same  to 
Henry,  119;  same  to  Henry  and 
James,  121,  122;  Wheeler  de 
Forest  to  Henry,  124,  125;  same 


to  Lockwood,  132,  133;  Lockwood 
de  Forest  to  Henry,  141,  142; 
Wheeler  de  Forest  to  Henry,  143- 

45- 

Letter-  (leopard-)  wood,  1, 49;  11,  261, 
263,  265. 

Lewis,  Abby.  See  De  Forest,  Abby. 

Lewis,  Benjamin,  11,  290. 

Lewis,  Benjamin,  Jr.,  1,  170,  181, 
265;  11,  290. 

Lewis,  Catherine,  11,  298. 

Lewis,  Edmund,  1,  180,  181. 

Lewis,  Edmund,  Jr.,  198,  209,  211. 

Lewis,  George,  11,  291. 

Lewis,  Hepzibah,  11,  291. 

Lewis,  Lieutenant  Colonel  Ichabod 
1,241;  11,  328. 

Lewis,  Isaac,  11,  291. 

Lewis,  Rev.  Isaac,  1,  261. 

Lewis,  Legrand  Moss,  1,  303-08,  310; 
11,42,  301,  302,  304. 

Lewis,  Nehemiah,  11,  290. 

Lewis,  Phcebe,  1,  254,  255. 

Lewis,  Samuel,  1,  265,  283;  11,  291. 

Lewis,  William,  11,  290. 

Lexington,  battle  of,  1,  221. 

Leyden,  Gerard  de  Forest  at,  1,  10; 
Jesse  de  Forest  at,  15-30;  Gerard 
de  Forest  at,  15;  Drapers'  Guild 
of,  16;  English  Protestants  at, 
17;  and  the  plague,  57;  biblio- 
graphy of,  11,  363,  364. 

Limit  trees,  11,  18. 

Lines,  Captain,  11,  65. 

Little  Squirrel,  the,  1,  66,  67. 

Livingston,  Emily,  11,  308. 

"Loading  a  ship  on  the  Sabbath," 

"»  52.  59-98- 

Lockwood,  Captain  Eliphalet,  1,  236. 

Lockwood,  James,  11,  292. 

Lockwood,  Mary,  1,  208,  260,  261; 
11,  301,  314.  See  De  Forest,  Mary. 

Lockwood,  Peter,  1,  208,  260,  271-75. 

Lockwood,  Robert,  1,  260. 

Long  Island,  landing  of  British 
troops  on,  1,  242,  243. 

Lord,  Cornelia  Livingston,  11,  308. 

Lord,  Daniel,  11,  308. 

Lord,  Daniel,  Jr.,  marriage,  11,  99, 
100,  102,  103;  involved  in  the 
church  trial  controversy,  116; 
reconciled  to  Lockwood  de  Forest, 
135;  law  office  of,  161,  162;  de- 
scendants of,  308. 


[  386  ] 


Ind 


ex 


Lord,  Daniel  de  Forest,  n,  123,  149, 

162,  308. 
Lord,  Edward  C,  11,  308. 
Lord  Eliza  Brown,  11,  308. 
Lord,  Franklin  Butler,  11,  308. 
Lord,  George  de  Forest,  11,  308. 
Lord,  Grace  Davison,  11,  308. 
Lord,  James  Brown,  11,  308. 
Lord,  James  Couper  1st,  n,  308.  , 
Lord,  James  Couper  2nd,  11,  308. 
Lord,  John  Cravy,  11,  308. 
Lord,  John  Cravy,  Jr.,  11,  308. 
Lord,  Margaret  Hawley,  daughter, 

11,  308. 
Lord,  Margaret  Hawley,  mother,  11, 

308. 
Lord,  Phoebe  Lucretia,  11,  308. 
Lord,  Sarah,  11,  308. 
Lord,  Susan.   See  De  Forest,  Susan. 
Lord,  Susan,  daughter  of  John  C, 

11,  308. 
Lord,  William  Brown,  11,  308. 
Lucas,  Amariah,  11,  71,  72. 
Lucifer,  Admiral,  1,  54,  55,  60;  11,  259, 

265,  269. 
Lum,  Hannah,  11,  300,  314. 

Mackerel,  the,  1,  30-33;  11,  190-99, 
205. 

Maillard,  Anne,  1,  9,  11. 

Maillard,  Michel,  1,  9. 

Mallett,  Samuel,  11,  297. 

Manhattan  Island,  1,  81-108.  See 
New  Amsterdam,  New  Nether- 
land. 

Marcasite,  golden,  1,  49;  11,  275. 

Marks,  Leah,  11,  301. 

Marriage  banns,  11,  356. 

Marsh,  Colonel  Ebenezer,  11,  321. 

Marsh,  Helen  Eliza,  11,  307. 

Marsh,  Samuel  Dexter,  11,  307. 

Marshall,  Mr.,  11,  55. 

Marven,  Mary  S.,  n,  310. 

Marvin,  Daniel,  11,  296. 

Marvin,  Jared,  11,  296. 

Marvin,  Josiah,  father,  11,  295,  296. 

Marvin,  Josiah,  son,  11,  296. 

Masure,  Dominique,  1,  27;  11,  190, 
191. 

Mead,  Sabra,  11,  313. 

Meeting-houses.   See  Churches. 

Meigs's  Light  Regiment,  1,  234;  II, 

330,  331- 
Menzies,  Mabel,  11,  312. 


Merris,  John,  1,  87,    112. 

Messire,  the  title,  1,  7. 

Michaelius,  Rev.  Jonas,  1,  122. 

Military  organizations,  1,  197,  198; 
in  Connecticut,  219. 

Milliman,  Sarah,  11,  316. 

Mills,  Abigail  Elizabeth,  11,  298. 

Mills,  Annie,  11,  298. 

Mills,  Aurelia,  11,  298. 

Mills,  Elisha,  1,  203,  204,  212,  277, 
285;  n,  297,  298. 

Mills,  Elisha  Treat,  11,  298. 

Mills,  Hepsa,  11,  298. 

Mills,  Isaac,  11,  298. 

Mills,  Rev.  Jedediah,  pastor  at  Rip- 
ton^  1,  180,  189,  190,  212;  and  Mr. 
Whitefield,  194,  195;  son  married 
to  daughter  of  Lockwood  de 
Forest,  203,  212;  11,  297;  death,  1, 
275. 

Mills,  Mary.    See  De  Forest,  Mary. 

Mills,  Mary,  daughter  of  Elisha,  11, 
298. 

Mills,  Samuel  Peat,  11,  298. 

Mills,  Sarah  Apama,  11,  298. 

Mills,  Susannah,  11,  298,  315. 

Mills,  William,  11,  298. 

Mocquet,  Jean,  1,  41. 

Monroe,  Conn.,  1,  285. 

Monson,  H.  Nelson,  1,  308;  11,  304. 

Monson,  Rev.  Samuel,  1,  296,  308; 

»,  3°3- 
Monson,  Samuel  Moss,  1,  308;  11,  42, 

303. 
Montanye's  fonteyn,  1,  97. 
Montanye's  Point,  1,  105. 
Montcornet,  1,  15. 
Moose  Hill,  1,  180-82,  186,  188,  209, 

261;  11,  3. 
Morse,  John,  1,  288. 
Moss,  Joseph,  11,  304. 
Moss,  Mary,  11,  303. 
Muscoota  Bouweries,  1,  81-108,  114- 

16. 
Myer,  John,  11,  288. 

Napoleon's  snuff-box,  11,  160. 

New  Amsterdam,  date  of  founding 
of,  1,  28,  33-35;  11,  190  n.\  condi- 
tions in,  1, 118-23;  brewers  of,  123- 
25;  government  of,  129, 130;  Brou- 
wer  Straet,  paving  of,  131,  132; 
taken  by  the  English,  135-39;  re- 
taken by  Dutch,  140,  141;  biblio- 


[  387  ] 


Index 


graphy  of,  n,   366-68.  See  New 
Netherland. 

New  Haven,  Conn.,  Colony,  1, 151  n., 
152;  Lockwood  de  Forest  removes 
to,  11,  23,  24;  Union  or  Long 
Wharf  in,  25-27;  Lockwood  de 
Forest's  place  of  business  in,  27, 
28;  Lockwood  de  Forest's  resi- 
dence in,  29-31. 

New  Netherland,  voyage  of  the,  1, 
28,29,33511,  190  n. 

New  Netherland,  the  patroon  sys- 
tem in,  1,  63-69;  arrival  of  the 
Rensselaerswyck  at,  80;  house- 
building in,  83-87;  life  in,  92,  93; 
trouble  with  Indians  in,  102-04, 
106,  1 13-16.  See  New  Amsterdam. 

New  Stratford,  1,  211-14,  261-65; 
church  records  in,  264,  265;  land 
records  in,  265;  inn  at,  265-69; 
the  Due  de  Lauzun  at,  279-83; 
endeavors  in  vain  to  become  sepa- 
rate township,  283-85;  becomes 
town  of  Monroe,  285;  Lockwood 
de  Forest's  life  at,  11,  3-10.  See 
Stratford. 

New  Town,  1,  283,  284. 

New  York,  great  fire  of  1835, 11,  128. 
See  New  Amsterdam. 

Nichols,  Daniel,  1,  297. 

Nichols,  David,  11,  45. 

Nichols,  Eunice,  1,  298,  299. 

Nichols,  Francis,  1,  158,  198;  II,  291. 

Nichols,  Huldah,  1,  258;  11,  343. 

Nichols,  Isaac,  I,  163. 

Nichols,  Nathan,  1,  298. 

Nichols,  Peter,  1,  288. 

Nichols,  Sally,  11,  31. 

Nicolls,  Colonel  Richard,  1, 136,  137, 
139,  140. 

Nieuw  Haerlem,  settlement  of,  1, 
116. 

Noble,  Elizabeth,  11,  293,  294,  315. 

Noiret,  Jacquemine  (or  Jacqueline), 
I,  no. 

North  Stratford,  1,  209-11. 

Northrup,  Captain  Gamaliel,  11,  329. 

Noyes,  Julia  Gilman,  11,  311. 

Offoot,  Phcebe,  11,  315. 
Olmstead,  Sarah,  11,  292,  313.  _ 
Ordination  feast,  innkeeper's  bill  for, 

1,  263. 
Oreillan,  1,  49;  11,  247,  273. 


Oude    Kerck,   New   Amsterdam,   1, 

120,  126,  127. 
Oyapok  River.  See  Wyapoko  River. 

Patroons,  1,  63-69;  declaration  of 
Hendrick  de  Forest  concerning,  11, 

352-55-  ^     . 

Patterson,  Eunice,  11,  291. 

Peacock  and  Pedlar,  11,  118,  I47~49- 

Peat,  Abigail,  wife  of  Samuel  de 
Forest,  11,  292,  314;  marriage  and 
settlement,  1,  174-76;  goes  to 
Moose  Hill,  187,  i88_;  her  lands, 
202,  208;  makes  her  will,  214,  215; 
death,  216,  275;  her  estate,  216. 

Peat,  Benjamin,  1,  175,  177. 

Peat  (or  Peet),  John,  1,  158. 

Peat,  Samuel,  1,  174-76,  187,  202; 
11,  360,  361. 

Peck,  Captain  Gad,  11,  64. 

Peet,  Phebe,  11,  290. 

Peres  de  families,  1,  26,  35,  41,  51;  11, 
172-89,  239,  241. 

Periwigs,  1,  169. 

Perry,  Catharine,  11,  307. 

Petition  relating  to  estate  of  Hen- 
drick de  Forest,  11,  355,  356. 

Phelps,  Abby,  11,  298. 

Pigeon,  the,  ship  of  West  India 
Company,  1,  25,  27;  11,  176;  voy- 
age of,  1,  30-32,35,  36511,  188-221; 
along  the  Amazon,  1,  36-40;  11, 
220-35;  at  the  Wyapoko  River,  1, 
40;  11,  236-41;  returns  to  Holland, 

*'  43- 

Pikes,  Petronella,  1,  129;  II,  284. 

Pikes,  Vincent,  1,  129. 

Pilgrim  Fathers,  1,  17,  18. 

Planters,  New  England,  their  sys- 
tem of  exchange,  1,  201,  202. 

"Playing  Cards,"  11,  33,  34.  52-Q8- 

Plummer,  Isaac,  11,  298. 

Post-riders,  1,  269. 

Protestantism  in  Hainaut,  1,  8. 

Protestants,  emigrate  to  Holland,  I, 
10,  n;  English,  at  Leyden,  17. 

Ransom,  Betsey,  11,  300. 

Raymond,  Rebecca,  11,  292,  313. 

Record,  of  church  trial  of  Lockwood 
de  Forest,  87-90;  of  same  as  cur- 
tailed, 90,  91. 

Records,  church,  1,  264,  265;  land, 
265;  war,  11,  316-47;  historical,  of 


[  388  ] 


Ind 


ex 


New  Amsterdam,  366-68;  histori- 
cal, of  Connecticut,  369, 370;  Revo- 
lutionary, of  Connecticut,  371. 

Religious  revival,  1,  192-96. 

Remora,  the,  1,  36;  11,  219. 

Rensselaerswyck,  colony,  1,  63  n.,  70, 
71,  81. 

Rensselaerswyck,  the,  ship,  1,  63, 
71;  voyage  of,  75-80;  sails  for  Vir- 
ginia, 87-89;  text  of  contract  be- 
tween van  Rensselaer  and  Gerard 
de  Forest  concerning,  11,  350-52. 
Report,  of  Committee  on  charges 
against  Lockwood  de  Forest,  n, 
56-63;  of  Committee  on  Memorial 
of  Lockwood  de  Forest,  86,  87. 

Revival,  religious,  1,  192-96. 

Revolutionary  Records  of  Connecti- 
cut, 11,  371. 

Revolutionary  soldier,  description 
of,  1,  223;  expenditure  of,  11,  325. 

Revolutionary  War,  the  de  Forests 
in,  1,  218-58,  277-83;  11,  292-300, 
3I3-I5>.  322-48;  rosters  of,  de 
Forests  in,  317. 

Rexford,  Rev.  Elisha,  1,  229,  230, 
261,  262,  264;  11,  6. 

Rexford,  Miss,  1,  265. 

Ridgefield  engagement,  1,  231. 

Riley,  Elizabeth,  11,  308. 

Ripton,  founding  of,  1,  177-80; 
churches  and  church-going  in,  179, 
180,  189-96,  198,  199;  Samuel  de 
Forest  settles  in,  180-87;  New 
Stratford  set  off  from,  211;  be- 
comes town  of  Huntington,  284, 
285. 

Robinson,  John,  at  Leyden,  1,  17. 

Romeyn,  Symon  Johns,  1,  143. 

Rosters  of  Revolutionary  War,  de 
Forests,  in  11,  317. 

Round  Robin,  Jesse  de  Forest's,  1, 
20,  27,  34,  35;  11,  179. 

Rowan,  Rev.  Steven  M.,  11,  49,  78. 

Rowland,  Henry,  11,  101. 

Rowland,  Samuel,  11,  100,  101. 

Russell,  Charles  M.,  11,  312. 

Russell,  Louis  de  Forest,  11,  312. 

Rutgers,  Harman,  11,  288. 

Sabba'day  House,  1,  190,  298,  301. 
Sabbath,  violation  of,  11,33,  34»  46- 

98. 
St.  John,  George,  11,  303. 


Sarley,  Catalina,  11,  289. 

Saybrook  Platform  (Saybrook  Arti- 
cles of  Discipline),  1,  157  n.\  11,  47, 
48. 

Schellinger,  Jan  Tiepkesz,  1,  71,  78, 
79,  81,  89. 

Schuyler,  Philip,  1,  149. 

Scott,  John,  11,  186,  187. 

Scott,  William,  11,  300. 

Seal  of  Gilles,  Dean  of  Avesnes,  1, 7, 1 2. 

Sedan,  1,  10,  13,  14. 

Servants  in  New  Amsterdam,  1,  122. 

Shakespeare,  William,  1,  146. 

Shaving,  regulation  concerning,  in 
New  Amsterdam,  1,  98  n. 

Shelton,  Frances  Theodora,  n,  308. 

Sherman,  Jotham,  1,  288. 

Sherman,  Phineas,  n,  291. 

Sherman,  Grandmother  Rhoda,  11, 44. 

Silliman,  Captain  Deodate,  1,  285. 

Silliman,  Colonel  Gold  S.,  1, 228,  229. 

Skinner,  Eliza  de  Forest,  11,  307. 

Skinner,  Frederick  Downer,  11,  307. 

Skinner,  Jane  Wakeman,  11,  308. 

Skinner,  John,  11,  307. 

Skinner,  Leonard  Wales,  11,  307. 

Skinner,  Mary.  See  De  Forest,  Mary. 

Skinner,  Mary  de  Forest,  11,  307. 

Skinner,  Mary  Sherman,  11,  307. 

Skinner,  Roger  Sherman,  11,  102,  306. 

Skinner,  William  Perry,  11,  307. 

Skinner,  William  W.,  11,  307. 

Slaves,  in  New  Amsterdam,  1,  121, 
122;  in  New  England,  291,  292. 

Sloane,  Sir  Hans,  11,  171,  182-84. 

Soldiers,  Revolutionary,  description 
of,  1,  223;  expenditure  of,  11,  325. 

South  River  (Delaware  Bay),  1,  64, 

65- 

Southmayd,  Alma,  11,  316. 

Speckle-wood,  1,  49;  11,  261,  263,  265. 

Spinning,  1,  293. 

Spring,  Rev.  Gardiner,  11,  108,  109. 

Stam,  Dirck  Corssen,  1,  71,  74,  78, 
102. 

Staples  Academy,  1,  309. 

Staten  Island,  I,  242,  243. 

States  of  Holland  and  West  Fries- 
land,  resolutions  of,  1,  22,  23. 

Stay-fish,  the,  1,  36;  11,  219. 

Steffeniersz,  Arent,  1,  81. 

Sterling,  Eleanor,  11,  292,  314. 

Sterling,  Mary  Ann,  11,  306,  314. 

Stevens,  Samuel,  11,  301. 


[  389] 


Index 


Stocks  at  Fairfield,  n,  1 8. 

Strat  le  Maire,  i,  42  n. 

Stuart,  Rev.  Moses,  11,  32-34,42,65, 

80-84. 
Stuyvesant,  Judith,  1,  149. 
Stuyvesant,  Peter,  1,  106,  131,  133, 

137-39,  149^ 
Swan,  Benjamin  L.,  II,  127,  306  n. 
Swanendael  colony,  history  of,  1,  64- 

69. 

Stratford,  Conn.,  founding  of,  I,  150- 
53;  churches  and  church-services 
in,  153-57;  some  early  inhabitants 
of,  158-60;  ferry  in,  158,  159; 
present-day  quaintness  of,  160, 
161;  feeling  in,  at  battle  of  Lexing- 
ton, 221;  enthusiasm  at,  226,  227; 
meeting  of  Washington  and  Lafay- 
ette at,  227;  bounties  offered  in, 
253,  254;  trials  of,  in  the  War,  255- 
57.    See  New  Stratford. 

Swits,  Cornelis  Claesen,  1, 1 15, 130. 

Tavern  haunters,  n,  18. 

Taylor,  Rev.  Nathaniel  W.,  II,  34, 
50,51,  66,  67,  71-78,  90-95. 

Teunissen,  Tobias,  joins  expedition 
to  New  Netherland,  1,  73;  on  Hen- 
drick  de  Forest's  bouwery,  83,84, 
92;  seeks  release  in  vain,  97;  be- 
comes freeman,  103;  death,  107, 
116;  children  of,  131. 

Texel,  the,  11,  191. 

Thompson,  John,  1,  172,  173. 

Thompson,  Samuel,  11,  297. 

Thompson,  William  1,  240. 

Ticonderoga,  Fort,  1,  221,  222. 

Tiles,  Dutch,  1,  276,  311,  312. 

Titsoort,  Teuntie,  11,  289. 

Tobago,  1,  59-61;  11,  186. 

Tomlinson,  Captain  Beach,  1,  241; 
11,  328,  329. 

Tomlinson,  Hannah,  11,  297,  316. 

Tomlinson,  Sally,  11,  298. 

Trial,  church,  of  Lockwood  de  For- 
est, 11,  48-98. 

Trimbol,  Pieter  Jansen,  1,  124  n. 

Truman,  Captain,  11,  55-59,  65,  69. 

Uffoot  (Ufford),  Eunice,  11,  294,  315. 

Van  Aalsteyn,  Abigail,  11,  287. 
Van  Couwenhoven,  Jacob  Wolphert- 
sen,  1,  125,  126. 


Van  Curler,  Jacob,  1,  90. 

Van  der  Bogaerdt,  1,  118;  11,  359  n. 

Van  der  Spiegel,  Lysbeth,  11,  288. 

Van  Flaesbeek,  Fiammettia,  11,  288. 

Van  Imbroech,  Gysbert,  1,  107;  11, 
284. 

Van  Imbroech,  Lysbet,  1, 107;  11, 284. 

Van  Ravenstein,  11,  288. 

Van  Rensselaer,  Kiliaen,  1,  63,  64, 
70-78;  and  Gerard  de  Forest,  text 
of  contract  between,  11,  350-52. 

Van  Rensselaer  Bowier  Manuscripts, 

I,  63. 

Van  Ryen,  Captain  Jan.,  1,  60,  61. 
Van  Stapels,  Captain  Gelyn,  1,  54, 

55,  60;  11,  178,  258,  264  n.,  276. 
Van  Twiller,  Wouter,  1,  74,  82,  98. 
Van  Volkenburgh,   Susie  Edwards, 

II,  310. 

Van  Volkenburgh,  Thomas  Sedg- 
wick, 11,  310. 

Van  Wassenaer,  Nicolaes,  quoted  on 
the  voyage  of  the  New  Nether- 
land, 1, 29  n.;  quoted  on  the  yacht, 
Mackerel,  32;  11,  191  n.;  letter 
from  Wyapoko   River   preserved 

by,  1,  44.  45- 

Venezuela,  11,  172. 

Verbraeck,  Claes,  1,  136. 

Verbrugge,  Jan,  deed  to,  from  Jan 
Labatie,  for  house  and  lot,  11,  358, 
359;  deed  from,  to  Isaack  de 
Forest,  for  house  and  lot,  359. 

Verduyn,  Elizabeth,  11,  289. 

Verlet,  Susannah,  11,  286. 

Vermeulen,  Marie,  11,  283,  284. 

Verveelen,  Daniel,  1,  125. 

Verveelen,  Johannes,  1,  122,  124,  125. 

Virginia,  unhealthfulness  of  its  cli- 
mate, 1,  88,  89. 

Virginia  Company,  answer  of,  to 
Jesse  de  Forest's  demands,  1,  21. 

Voyage  to  Guiana,  A,  11,  171-279. 
See  Journal. 

Vredendal,  1,  97,  IOI,  104,  105. 

Wakeman,  Burr,  11,  III,  309. 
Wakeman,  Jane.      See  De   Forest, 

Jane. 
Wakeman,  Louise,  II,  309. 
Waldron,  Cornelia,  II,  289. 
Walker,  Abigail,  11,  294,  315. 
Walloons,  their  character,  1,  3;  their 

territory,  4;  their  present  numbers, 


[  39°  ] 


Ind 


ex 


4;  Catholicism  and  Protestantism 
among,  in  the  sixteenth  century,  7, 
8;  emigrate  to  Holland,  10,  11; 
plan  to  emigrate  to  America  under 
Jesse  de  Forest,  18-22;  sail  on  the 
"New  Netherland,"  29,  33,  34;  11, 
190  n. 

War  records,  11,  317-48.  See  War 
time. 

War  time,  de  Forests  in,  1,  218-58. 
See  War  records,  French  and 
Indian  War,  Revolutionary  War. 

Washington,  D.C.,  II,  140. 

Washington,  George,  1,  227,  256. 

Waterbury,  Colonel  David,  1,  224, 
226. 

Waterman,  T.  T.,  his  description  of 
William  de  Forest,  11,  302,  303. 

Wedding,  description  of,  1,  203;  11, 

138,  139- 

Weekes,  John  A.,  11,  162. 

Weekes,  Julia,  n,  162,  163. 

Weeks,  Julia  Mary,  11,  311. 

Welles,  Gideon,  11,  331,  332. 

West  India  Company.   See  Dutch. 

West  Indies,  application  of  the  term, 
1,  22,  29. 

Weston,  Conn.,  1,  309;  11,  10-12. 

Wetmore,  Rev.  Izrahiah,  I,  235  n. 

Whale,  the,  1,  65,  67. 

Whaling  industry  at  Swanendael,  1, 
64. 

Wheeler,  Betsey,  1,  299. 

Wheeler,  Elizabeth,  11,  291. 

Wheeler,  Elnathan,  11,  291. 

Wheeler,  Elnathan,  Jr.,  n,  291. 

Wheeler,  Eunice,  n,  291. 

Wheeler,  Martha,  11,  291. 

Wheeler,  Mary,  11,  291. 

Wheeler,  Mehetabel,  1, 291,  295;  11,  5, 
6, 307.     See  De  Forest,  Mehetabel. 

Wheeler,  Moses,  ferryman,  1,  158, 
159, 174,  I7S,  177,  287;  11,  291. 

Wheeler,  Deacon  Moses,  1,  287. 

Wheeler,  Nathan,  patriot,  1,  277; 
neighbor  of  Nehemiah  de  Forest, 
286;  birth,  287;  prominent  in  par- 
ish matters,  287;  marriage,  287; 
children,  291;  second  marriage, 
291;    daughters    of,    occupation, 


292-94;  privileges  given  Grand- 
mother Rhoda  by,  294,  295;  buys 
farm  in  village  of  New  Stratford, 
295,  296;  interests  and  occupa- 
tions of,  297,  298;  Homestead 
Farm  of,  297,  299;  third  marriage, 
298;  death,  299;  his  estate,  299; 
part  purchaser  of  inn,  310;  his 
apple  brandy,  11,  45;  grandson  of 
Elnathan,  291. 

Wheeler,  Nathan  Nichols,  1,  299. 

Wheeler,  Nathaniel,  11,  291. 

Wheeler,  Rhoda,  1,  291,  297;  11,  5. 

Wheeler,  Ruth,  11,  291. 

Wheeler   Sally-Betsey,  1,   291,  297; 
11,5. 

Wheeler,  Samuel,  1,  310. 

Wheeler,  Sarah,  11,  291. 

Whipping-post,  11,  17,  18. 

White  marcasite,  11,  275  n. 

Whitefield,  George,  1,  192-96. 

Whiting,  Nathan,  11,  67. 

Wild  Coast,  1,  25,  26,  29  n.,  37,  50; 
11,  171,  185. 

Windsor  chairs,  1,  289. 

Witches,  11,  16. 

Woodruff,  Lockwood  de  Forest,  11, 
146,  311. 

Woodruff,  Louisa.  See  De  Forest, 
Louisa. 

Woodruff,  Samuel  M.,  II,  138,  311. 

Woodward,  Dotha,  11,  316. 

Wooster,  General  David,  1,  165  n., 
221,  222,  225,  226,  231511,319,  320. 

Wooster,  Julia,  11,  316. 

Wooster,  Laura,  11,  316. 

Wyapoko  River,  1,  38,  39;  colonists 
at,  40-55;  11,  236-59;  second  col- 
ony sent  to,  I,  60;  maps  and  de- 
scription of,  39,  40;  11,  175,  176, 
270-79. 

Yachts,  in  seventeenth  century,  1, 

66. 
Yaos  Indians,  1,  40,  47,  48;  11,  243, 

245,  251. 
Yapoko,  1,  41. 

Zeeland  Chamber  of  West  India  Co., 
1,  54,  60;  11,  177,  185. 


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